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Building the Maoist Communist Party in Italy (Interview released to the Nepali revolutionary press)

Posted by ajadhind on October 3, 2008

Interview

Q – Italy has long and outstanding history of human civilization. How is
the present political situation here in Italy?                                              

no doubt that Italy occupies a foreground place in the history of the human ; civilization, since it is the land of the ancient Rome, of masters of the literature and the arts, Dante Alighieri as well as Leonardo, and also of that particular “art”, that is the politics, Machiavelli, and in more recent times, in the modem arts as the cinema, to not mention the sport.     

It is clear that every achievement and advance for the humanity is deep-rooted in the history of the class struggle.

On the other hand, Italy brought also great damages to the humanity, through | the historical role of the Catholic Church, mother of the “Santa Inquisizione” ! and of some of the darkest pages in the history, up to the fascism of Mussolini.’ herald of the Nazism and, as its main ally, author of the most black pages in the history of the 20th century, the World War II, the Holocaust. The Italian proletariat, as contingent of the most advanced class in the history [ able to free the whole humanity by freeing itself, is today the only heir of the positive aspects of the Italian History and the only one that can give, through the socialist revolution, a further develop of the role of Italy in the history of; the

civilization toward its final goal, in an international dimension, the commu­nism.

Therefore, we have to pay a particular attention to the history of the workers and communist movement that. Indeed, since tine process of unify ing the country, the proletarians and the progressive forces played an important role. Then during the World War I, the extraordinary “red biennium” shook from within a country that was emerging as an imperialist power and showed the might, the revolutionary strength of the workers and peasants masses. This phase met its historical milestone with the birth of the Communist Party of Italy, based on the “21 points” established by the great Lenin and the Com­munist International, and, even more, during the following years, with the emerg­ing figure of Antonio Gramsci, the first one who applied, with the Thesis of Lyon, the Marxism-Leninism on the Italian reality. Also during the last years of his life spent in the fascist prison, Gramsci looked for an original path for the socialist revolution in Italy. This work makes him not only the most outstanding figure in the history of the Italian communist movement but also a reference and resource for the international communist movement as a whole. But, probably, the great. Antifascist Resistance that overthrew the fascist re­gime and drove away the Nazis invaders is the most glorious page the proletarians and the oppressed classes have written in Italy and Europe. Although it did not reach its final political goal, we consider the Resistance as the first historical experience of a war waged by the people and led by the proletariat and the Communist Party in an imperialist country, as a milestone and stage, with positive and negative lessons, of the struggle for the proletarian revolution in our country.

 

Italy, during the 60 and 70 years of the past century, has been also the scene of a great revolutionary movement of workers and students that in our country had a protracted extent, since the 68 up to the half of the 70ies, while the “French May” was brief and more intense. Within this movement it was expe­rienced the first effort to build a Marxist-Leninist- Mapist communist party (Mao Tsetung thought, as was said then) as well as the strongest attempt to raise again the flag of the armed struggle and open the road to the develop­ment of a real revolutionary struggle in our country, aspects of relevant impor­tance for the whole belt of the imperialist countries.

From this point of view, the birth and constitution of the PCM-Italy is not casual of merely subjective, but rather is a necessary result of the history of the class struggle in our country.

On the current political situation in Italy.

The first point to make clear is that Italy is an imperialist country, oscillating between the 5 and 7 rank amongst the world imperialist powers. So it definitely belongs the handful of big powers that exploit, oppress and today more than ever suppress two thirds of the humanity. A handful of rich country that live on the exploitation of the proletariat within them, and on the loot of the resources and the double exploitation of the proletarians and the people in the country of the third world.

Though among those imperialist powers today more than ever US imperialists play a dominant role, it is wrong, from our point of view, in the context of the world situation today, to underestimate the role played by the other imperialist countries or, in our case, by the Italian imperialism.

Italian imperialism supported and participated, directly or not, all the aggres­sion wars principally waged by US, playing the role of second ally, right after UK.

Italy played a decisive and fundamental role in war in the Balkans that fiercely divided Yugoslavia and brought again the war in the hart of Europe. Without the support of Italy, US, NATO, EU could not make that war and, as at the time of the Fascism, by means that war Italy gained an influence on the Alba­nia and a penetration in East Europe.

Before the mentioned wars, Italy had already directly intervened in Lebanon. Somalia, pursuing their own interests and features and renewing the epoch of the fascist colonialism and the horrible massacres in Libya, Somalia, and Alba­nia.

Today Italy directly participates with its troops the occupation of Iraq against the liberation struggle of the Iraqi people; it has recently strengthened the intervention in Afghanistan and provides “help”, with money and troops, to the UN policy to cover the massacres made by Israel in Lebanon. Italy defends its interests for the control on the row materials, the energy sources, vital for the Italian imperialist economy, it competes for a “share of the cake” for the Italian transnational companies, from Eni to Fiat, looking for an outlet for its exceeding capitals and trying to satisfy the thirst of money if the Italian financial capital.

For all these reasons, all the governmental coalition that compete and succeed each other in the political stage in Italy serve the interest of the Italian imperi­alism, they compete to better play their role of business committee of the imperialist bourgeoisie, to keep the pace and meet the challenges of the cur­rent world situation. In order to realize this, Italian imperialist bourgeoisie need a more and more reactionary and militarized state, able to discharge the cost of the crisis and the military interventions on the proletarians and the masses, able to cut down the welfare state and concentrate all the resources in the support of the Italian capital in the international competition, able to smother the proletarian opposition and to prevent the birth, strengthening and develop­ment of the revolutionary forces, particularly of the revolutionary communist party.

In the recent times this kind of process of the State and the Institutions lias taken the general shape of a kind of Modem Fascism and Police State. We define it Modern Fascism because it attacks the Constitution born by the Resistance, all the achievements and the historical value of the antifascist Resistance. They call the antifascist partisans “bandits”, they revaluate the Mussolini’s fascism, they paint as “horrendous crime” the communist move­ment. All this is cemented by laws that, in the name of the “struggle against the terrorism” try to put outlaw the communists and their organizations. Although in our country dangerous fascist and new Nazis groups exist, today the modem Fascism “marches on Rome” using the state in a fascist way. with fascistic police and armed forces, with the “anti-subversion” emergency laws, with that we call the “media and TV fascism”, and finally it aspires a form of real personal dictatorship, as the coalition led by Berlusconi does. The battle of Genoa and the fierce repression of the protests against the G8 showed to the world the character of this tendency of the Italian imperialist bourgeoisie and in the recent years the government of Berlusconi became known far out the Italian border, with its three-heads monster coalition led by the billionaire TV monopolist Berlusconi, the Fini’s double-breasted suited fas­cism, the Bossi’s separatist movement North League and, finally, the more reactionary wing of the farmer Christian Democracy connected with the Vati­can.

 

This coalition set in motion a strong people’s, workers and students opposition, a strong movement against the Italian participation in the war and the military occupation in Iraq, a resumption of the women movement and also resistance among the elites of the press, the anticorruption judges, the antifascist and democratic intellectuals.

As result of this state of the things, in an electoral competition decided by the last vote, another coalition has prevailed, the centre-left coalition led by Prodi, allying the main social democratic forces, first the Left Democrats party, the former PCI, and the other wings of the former Christian Democracy, a coali­tion this time massively supported by the main revisionist party, Rifondazione Comunista, and all the organizations that keep it as reference. The Prodi’s victory, while of course has been welcomed amongst the masses because it loosened the grip of Berlusconi and the united most reactionary forces on the government and the state system, on the other hand does not mark any substantial change in the general contents of the bourgeois govern­ment. The big industrial monopolies, the fraction of the financial capital op­posed to Berlusconi, hold an evident hegemony on the new government. The road taken by the Italian social-democrats is not that of Zapatero but that of Blair. The entry of the revisionist party in the government is a “fico leaf’, it has not influence on the decision made by the government but it is decisive in order to try to impose those decisions among the masses. The equilibrium between the two coalitions is still very volatile, so that the bourgeoisie as a whole seeks the opportunity and makes pressure for a national unity government.

Our Party, even if with its actually small strength, has been very active, to­gether with all the revolutionary forces, in the mass struggle against the Berlusconi’s government on all the fields, since the July 2001 in Genoa up today. It had a few significant experiences of political leadership and influence, but it also met all the difficulties coming from the prevailing presence in the mass movement of the forces linked with the centre-left coalition and having a petty bourgeois nature.

Therefore, before the recent elections it has been necessary and decisive to struggle to establish the ideological, political and programmatic autonomy of the proletariat in front of the ongoing inter-bourgeois competition. This is important not only strategically but also tactically. It needs to fight the illusions and the deviations within the mass movement brought by those who try to i make it the walking stick of the Prodi’s government.

The dynamics of the political situation demands a good handle of the strategic firmness and the tactic flexibility and a sharp struggle against the opportunist tendencies acting in and influencing the mass movement. Also the struggle against the “leftist” tendencies goes on. Although smaller and less influencing the mass movement, they turn aside and negatively influence the communist militants and the vanguard proletarians regarding their role in movement. How­ever, the main enemies are still the revisionism and die opportunism. The struggle against the Modern Fascism and the police State, since the battle of Genoa, has been and even more is a favourable terrain to establish the road of the revolution, the need of a people’s war having the character of a new Resistance.

Q – Com. Lenin said that Marx’s theory has laid the foundation stone of the science which socialists must develop in all directions. How is the history of MLM movement and struggle with revisionism here in Europe and Italy?

A – As after the October revolution it was not possible to be Marxist without being Marxist-Leninist, so today, at the light of the historical experience of the class struggle, it is not possible to be Marxist-Leninist without being Marxist-Leninist- Maoist. In this sense, the Maoism represents the third higher stage of the Marxism-Leninism- Maoism, being it in continuity, indissolubility and form­ing a single body with the development of the Marxism-Leninism in all the fields.

We are against the tendency to oppose these stages each other. Mao developed the revolutionary theory in all its fields: the Marxist philosophy, the scientific socialism, the military science and, particularly, in the continuing the revolution under the socialism. In this sense, to stress this aspect saying “principally Maoism” is correct, because the Maoism is today the key to apply MLM on the concrete reality of each country, to key to give new answers to the new problems of the revolution, the base on which communist parties of new type can be founded.

When MLM is applied on the concrete reality of the class struggle it is given new contributions and a further development. The application f the MLM made by the people’s war in Peru has indeed given contributions, synthesized by the chairman Gonzalo and his thought, as well as contributions are coming from the people’s war in Nepal, led by the “Prachanda path”. Today the communist parties have the task to define, uphold and integrate these contributions in the ideological and political weaponry of the MLM theory. At the same time, it is well evident that the application of the MLM on the reality of the imperialist countries, an effort in which we have been engaged with the constitution of the PCm-Italy, will give other contributions to the MLM science.

As regards the application on the concrete reality of our country of the contri­bution coming from the revolution in Peru and Nepal, we apply the method of Lenin, who said “critical application” , distinguishing the universal aspects, gen­erally applicable, and the particular aspects valid in those countries. This is an important part of our work and of our ideological and political understanding.

In Europe and in Italy the MLM movement was bom following and inside the struggle against the modem revisionism developed by the Communist Party of China under the leadership of the chairman Mao Tsetung and, during a first phase, with the active participation of the Labour Party of Albania. The two writings of the CPC led by Mao Tsetung “on the divergences be­tween the comrade Tbgliatti and us” represented a fundamental point of refer­ence in the struggle against the modern revisionism in our country. From these writings came the call to separate from the modern revisionism ruling on the PCI led by Togliatti and to form up new revolutionary proletarian parties. Former cadres and members of the PCI gave birth to the Marxist-Leninist movement, then in the 1966 to the Communist Party (m-1). Although this was an important step, they based this party more on the defence of the comrade Stalin than of the Maoist criticism of his errors. Often they were leading cadres and bureau­crats emarginated by the new course of the revisionist leadership of the PCI, and not cadres forged by a leading role in the class struggle of the workers and the people’s masses during the 50/60. These leaders did not develop an up­dated analysis of Italy, that was emerging, thanks the “economic boom”, as an advanced imperialist country. So, while the struggle led by Mao Tsetung against modern revisionism met the apex with the Great Cultural Proletarian revolution, the PC of I (m-1), did not advance but rather retreated and had a crisis, prooving to be unable to head the great revolutionary movement, early of the students and later of the workers, that shook Italy in the 68-69.          

                        

The rumble of the GCPR was heard by the new generation that was unleashing the rebellion and the uprising in the heart of the imperialist countries. The  slogan “to rebel is justified”, “the working class must lead everything”, the    movement of the Red Guards, the continuation of the revolution under the    proletarian dictatorship, the communist party of new type – these were the flags coming from Mao and the GCPR raised in our countries by the students : and workers vanguards. Then new Marxist-Leninist organizations were formed. They deepened the criticism of the revisionism, in Italy the criticism of the PCI, and the criticism of the “realized socialism”. This new wave supporting Mao and the GPCR draw feed from important events: the war in Vietnam and  ! the great anti imperialistmovement , the social-imperialist degeneration of the USSR, the students and workers protests, the development of the feminist movement. It was a young movement, only at a certain degree forged by the class struggle. It did not hold enough a strategy, a tactics for the socialist ! revolution and so it suffered the general setback of the mass movement in the ‘ imperialist countries and the stop and reversal of the powerful liberation move- j ments of the oppressed people. Therefore it was neither able to build a genu-  | ine communist party or to resist the low tide and the end of the GCPR after the  | death of Mao.

Nevertheless, this movement and its main forces wrote important pages and opened the road to developments needed to constitute and build a Maoist com­munist party in Italy. The proletarian and students masses generated important  I struggle experiences, including the armed struggle, and many ideological, po- , litical and organizational points rich of positive and negative lessons on which I to build.

If we look at that MLM movement as a whole, we can say that in the first phase the main deviation that appeared was the dogmatism and the right op­portunism, that had its class origin in the workers aristocracy and the political and trade-union bureaucracy, from which came most of the cadres who initi­ate the movement. Together with them, also elements coming from the coun­tryside which right the those years underwent a deep transformation, reduc­tion e proletarization, played an important role as well as the partisan cadres who had not followed the revisionist line but simply analysed that line as the betrayal of their leaders. In the years after ’68, the main deviation was the ideological, political and organizational leftism based on the intellectual petty bourgeoisie. Therefore it is very clear that the former degenerated when they aligned themselves with Enver Hoxha, and later with the brezhnevyte social-imperialists the latter de­generated in the form of the liquidation. Particularly, the petty bourgeois Mao­ism degenerated first through a propagandistic and idealistic attitude, emptying the Maoism of its class content and revolutionary praxis, separating them­selves and opposing the working class and then separating themselves and opposing the resumption of the armed struggle that the great movement in 68-70 was expressing.

 

The idealistic trajectory of the Maoism in Italy degenerated into a messianic and prefiguring application that mechanically and grotesquely reproduced in­side the party and in the relation with the advanced stragglers forms coming from the GCPR, up to turn the Maoist organization into a “Maoist sect” whose many representatives in the years later became into anticommunist reaction­aries.

This phenomenon appeared throughout the Europe, is the case of former Maoist leaders in France turned into “nouveau philosophes” and today fierce anti-Maoists and anticommunists.

To Sum up the historical experiences of the MLM movement in Italy, to analyze particularly the negative lessons was the main initial work of the base mili­tants, personally active in the MLM movement since the 68, which became the current leading cadres of the PCM. This work allowed to lay the proletar­ian and revolutionary basis on which, amidst the fire of the class struggle and closely linked with the masses, for the struggle to constitute/construc t the com­munist party of new type needed for the proletarian revolution in Italy.

 

Q – How is your experience of building Maoist party in Italy!

A – The PCm- Italy was formed the First of May 2000 raising the red flag of the socialist revolution in Italy, to unite under the Maoism all the advanced proletarians and the genuine revolutionaries around die strategy of the peo­ple’s war applied on the conditions of an imperialist country as ours, and to put it into the practice of a New Begin of the struggle to seize the proletarian power in Italy and march together with the proletarians and the people of the world toward the socialism and communism.

 

 

The constitution of the PCm-Italy is the fruit of a 20 years long work of the Italian MLM communists.

At the end of 80s the Maoists in Italy had not a party. The Marxist-Leninist forces had abandoned die Maoism, having turned into hoxhyte and pro-USSR organizations. On the other hand, the protracted process that dissolved the PC(m-l)I was going on and, more important, in our country the degenerated Maoism had been discredited among the ranks of the proletariat, the youth and the women movements.

 

The work of summing up and rebuilding was initiated by the Communist Col­lective of Agit/Prop in Taranto, an industrial and military town in the South of the country, whose cadres came from the different experiences of the 70s. They upheld the struggle against the modern revisionism and the separation from the PCI carried forward by the PCd’I(m-l). They upheld the first effort to apply the Maoism and the GCPR on the Italian reality made by the PC(m-1)I and other Maoist groups. At the same time, diey fought die dogmatic/revi­sionist degeneration of the PCd’I(m-l) as well as the populist and petty bour­
geois application of the Maoism made by the PC(m-l)I. These breakings were
            necessary but not sufficient in order to begin the foundation of the CommunistParty. It needed also to fight the tendency to eclectically fuse the Maoists widi the petty bourgeois revolutionaries, the “Autonomous” that had marked the last part of the life of the PC(m-l)I. It needed to analyze all the development of the workers and students movements during the 68-77 years to grasp the positive and fight die negative aspects and to integrate those experiences and lessons in the weaponry of the MLM battle to constitute/construc t the Party. It needed to analyze the resumption of the working class struggle, the move­ment of the “factory councils” and the movement of the “workers base com­mittee”. It needed to deal with die ongoing experiences of armed struggle represented by the red brigades and other groups, to struggle against the wrong theory and practice of the “guerrilla Party”. It needed to study the points of antirevisionist practice and analysis developed by the students and women movements of the 68-77 years.

 

Thanks the invitation made by die RCP US, in the 82-84 the Communist Col­lective of Agit/Prop participated die founding Conference of the RJM and, at the same time, welcomed the rumble of the people’s war in Peru as a great flag, call, ideological and practical reference to establish the Maoism. Agit/Prop clearly pointed out that it is correct to unite the communist parties and organization of the world in order to uphold the Marxism-Leninism, the GPCR and the great contributions made by Mao Tsetung and to put them as the base from which the march of the communist movement can be resumed after the loss of the China and the death of Mao. At the same time, Agit/Prop pointed out that the action of the Maoists, then the people’s war launched by the PCP and skilfully led by the chairman Gonzalo, is the weapon that allows establishing the Maoism.

 

The Communist Collective of Agit/Prop was founding member of the RIM, subscribed its Declaration and, on the base of that issued its Base Docu­ment, the first document for an ideological, political, analytical and program­matic delimitation of the Italian Marxist-Leninist- Maoists. In the following years, the Communist Collective of Agit/Prop developed the struggle essentially against the economistic understandings, expressing the continuity with the old M-L movement within the new MLM movement, as well as against those who, in the name of the “struggle against the economism” for the “supremacy of the ideology” and the “democratic tactics”, were wa­tering and denying the revolutionary substance of the MLM, separating it from the struggle of the working class and the practice of the class struggle and making the MLM an idealistic and ethic/existential philosophy, a liberal demo­cratic politics and practice, an intellectualistic organization like a discussion club.

Through this struggle, Agit/Prop advanced in the formation of the organisation for the MLM party on a class base, in the grasp of the Maoism as active weapon, and developed the first embryo of application of the revolutionary strategy and politics. In the 1988 the national organization of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoists was formed with the name of Communist Organization Rossoperaio. This organization elaborated a plan for the constitution of the MLM communist Party in our country, in the framework of the struggle within the RIM.

Carrying forward the active ideological struggle (AIS) and the two lines strug­gle (2LS), Rossoperaio explicitly undertook and realized as its tasks:

 

1.     To actively participate on international scale the process of upholding/de­fence/establishing the Maoism, strengthening with a spirit of unity/struggle its liaison with the RIM and, inside it, with the PCP, widely propagating in our country, through the campaigns in support of the people’s war in Peru, the actuality of the Maoism.

2.     To form up an organization of Maoist cadres, forged by the daily struggle of the class and able to develop a revolutionary politics among the proletarians and the masses, by means the fundamental weapon of a national MLM communist political newspaper.

3. To begin of the process of fusing the Maoists with the advanced workers. recognizing the historically determined forms in which they were organizing    their own struggle, their embryonic political experience, in order to win, through leadership of significant experiences, their recognition and confidence.

Through this work Rossoperaio became stronger in Italy and known in Europe as a genuine Maoist organization able to undertake the responsibility to build the party amidst the fire of the class struggle and closely linked with the masses. Creatively applying the MLM on the reality of the class struggle, struggling for the solution of the concrete problems of the constitution/ construction of the party, the Italian Marxist-Leninist- Maoists developed the elements of the spe­cific thought not only useful in Italy but also necessary in the Europe and the imperialist countries today. What are these elements?

 

Against the new revisionism, the petty bourgeois revolutionaries and the false Maoists:

a.   We pointed out the existence of an inseparable nexus between the
Party and the workers and proletarian self-organisation, based on the
concrete analysis and on the mass line demanded by the phase of the
constitution/ construction. In Italy and in the European countries, in
front of the fact that the Maoists had degenerated and disappeared
politically and organizationally, the vanguard workers and proletarians
in their struggle continued developing and develop their separation
from the trade-union and political revisionism, giving live to forms of
trade-union and political self-organization. Therefore, it became and
becomes a need for the Maoist communists building the proletarian
party to recognize this datum coming from the reality, to enter these
workers and proletarian organizations, to fight the economism, the
anarchic trade-unionism, the ideological and political eclecticism, to
win to the constitution of the Maoist Communist Party the most ad­
vanced workers and proletarian cadres through a vanguard role in
their struggles.

b.   Within the organization, the active ideological struggle and the two
lines struggle were developed to transform the ideology and the prac­
tice of the members in order to realize the Big Leap of the constitution
of the Party, able to prepare, begin and develop the people’s war and
its concentrated form, the armed struggle, in an imperialist country
like Italy.

 

 c.   We stressed the decisive importance to “unchain the fury of the women

as powerful weapon of the revolution” and concretized that in the discovery/indicatio n to develop a revolutionary proletarian feminist movement (MFPR) and the role of the women in the constitution of the party as Maoist communist party of new type, that develops since its birth that “revolution in the revolution” demanded by all the phases of the proletarian and socialist revolution.

 

Therefore, the constitution took place based on the definition of

thesis, fruit not of an academic study but of the fusion of the MLM theory with the practice and the concrete reality of the imperialist Italy, the fusion of the analysis with the experience.

All the thesis of our constitution, based on the concrete analysis of the con­crete situation, on the summing up the history of the communist movement in Italy and particularly the history of the revolutionary movement as a whole since the 68 up today and, as part of this, the history of our organization in the past 20 years, all these thesis are important and we consider them a contribu­tion to the RIM and to the struggle to form MLM parties in the imperialist countries.

However, we specially stress the thesis 5, where we analyze, on the basis of our application of the MLM and of our experience, the difference and dialec­tic relation between AIS and 2LS and where we deepen the question of the ideological unity of the core that constitutes the Party. It was the main problem we met. It is not easy to be communist in the imperialist countries and to be really communist, in the theory and the practice of the Maoism, is even harder. We understand the revolution as a choice of the live, because, as conscious vanguards of the class, the communists put, and transform, their lives serving the class and the revolution, through a choice that changes and determines their whole lives; we understand the militancy, not as the application of an ethic but as permanent destruction, because the communist militants have not a model to adhere, no ethics to follow but that to be permanent and restless destroyers of the bourgeois ideas that continuously influence the class struggle and reproduce themselves, phase after phase; we understand the class char­acter of the ideology as the need to recognize that the communist militants are not an island of communism but they act in the class struggle, struggling, relat­ing themselves and interacting with the masses from which they absorb ideas, class contradictions and behaviours, ideological and practical forms coming from the ruling classes, against which they need a permanent tension to de­stroy them and to transform themselves and their own lives. Once the comrades have chosen to be member of the organization, to be are politically active in that, the organizations can become a kind of community/ social stratum. A political militant permanently interjects elements from its practice and early or later certain elements of his style of live influence his ideology. It is, at certain degree, unavoidable. At the aim of the ideological struggle the point is to understand this and to be aware that also this is terrain of struggle, because if we do not understand and treat this problem the conse­quence is always the separation from the working class. Mao taught us that the 2LS is the engine of the development of the Party. Against the theory of the monolithic party, Mao pointed out that only a party that constantly develops the two lines struggle, as reflecting the struggle be­tween the classes, has in its hand the weapon that allows to strengthen itself and to prevent its degeneration.

 

On the basis of our historical experience, we say that inside the Party the 2LS daily takes place through the AIS, which is not the same thing. 2LS means that there are two lines, not simply two different ways of thinking, two points of view etc.

When we do not wage the AIS toward the militants to transform the back­ward aspects of their practical life, then they will give political base to that practical life and will oppose the political line of the Party. Therefore the AIS is also a kind of prevention against the structuring of a black line.

In the imperialist countries a few aspects of the bourgeois and petty bourgeois ideology are very strong since they solidified in many years, after the high tide of the revolutionary movement in the 68-75, and characterized the following low tide. Particularly: the petty bourgeois “privatism”, the wide-spread ideol­ogy of the pert}’ bourgeoisie having a broad influence among the proletarian ranks: the senile arrogance of the “senior” militants; the demi/lumpen- prole-tarian infantilism, fruit of the structural process that brought about massive unemployment, protracted staying of the youth inside the families, etc.

Finally we emphasize that the ideology is built as thought but lives as action. It means that the character of the ideology of the nucleus that today constructs the party has to live in a political-military content, because the strategy of the party is the people’s war. The experience of armed organizations and their failure made clear that is the politics of the party that leads die guns and that the communist militants are forged by the daily and general class struggle of the proletariat. Only political militants proofed by the class struggle and by the understanding that the politics leads the class war, also when it takes place in a legal form, only those are able to correctly handle the concept of political-military militant.

Q – Com Mao said that every thing depends on whether or not the ideo­logical and political line is correct. Would tell us your party line on the question of strategy and tactics of proletarian revolution in imperialist country like Italy?

A-Mao said: “the seizure of the power with the armed struggle, the solution of the problem through the war is the central task and the highest form of revolution, this revolutionary Marxist-Leninist principle is valid everywhere, in chine as well as in all the other countries. However, even if the principle does not change, the proletarian parties apply it in different ways, according the different conditions”.

To apply on the specific conditions of an imperialist country means to see the points of unity and difference with the other country in the world. At the same time, it means to put this strategy in the concrete history of a country like Italy.

In our thesis we first define the first the aim and the fundamental purpose of the Maoist Communist Party today: we struggle for the socialist revolution in our country and in the world, to establish the proletarian dictatorship that leads the transformation toward the socialism and, through the cultural revolutions. The program of the proletarian dictatorship is unique and it corresponds to the type of society.

The imperialist bourgeoisies have no chance to detain the unstoppable process that sharpens the contradictions coming from the current stage of develop­ment of the imperialism.

The socialization of the production on international scale reached an unprec­edented level of development and developed a tremendous potential to solve of the problems of the humanity. There are all the conditions to form up a rich humanity, for a. global qualitative leap toward human subjectivities owner of themselves. But before this gigantic development of the productive forces, what is the reality that the imperialist bourgeoisies impose?. While the rich­ness is more and more concentrated in the hands of few people, the new poorness grows, at an unprecedented level in the modern epoch, at whose centre is the proletariat, the most exploited class in the history in the world. The extraordinary development of the technologies, etc. corresponds to the destruction of the eco-system, crisis of supplying and economic forms coming from the century 19 or even from the middle age. The unprecedented oppor­tunity for world cooperation, reciprocal equal exchanges amongst people, States and nations corresponds to the infamous of permanent scarcities, hunger, glo­bal disasters with more and more tragic consequences up to the destruction, in the developed countries of the modern transportation systems. The concrete opportunity to develop a rich humanity corresponds to the effort of the bour­geoisie that objectively reduce the level of brainpower of the individuals, aimed to turn them into narrow, stupid subjectivities, even beasts. The opportunity of a humanity owner of itself corresponds to the effort to make it slave of vogues and celebrities, religion, fathers and masters. The opportunity the treat the sexual contradictions for a qualitative development of the relations between men and women, the sexual liberation related with a new role of the women corresponds to a new and huger sexual oppression, the increasing of the per­versions, a worse crisis in the relation man-woman and all the other relation involved with that. The almost miraculous opportunity to put an end to the diseases corresponds to the reappearing of already defeated diseases, of the health-risk becomes a general phenomenon with danger of hecatombs con­nected not only with the nuclear risk but with the “natural” disasters, epidem­ics etc.

 

From all this comes the contradiction not solvable under this capitalist system between the development of the production forces and the chain of the pro­duction relation, the necessity to overthrow this system. This is the reason of the revolution. A proletarian revolution, because the world proletariat is the main class whose interest is to overthrow the world. A socialist revolution, because the socialism meets the practical need given by the development of the production forces to socialize the production.

The imperialist society brings about problems that can be solved only by the power in the hands of die proletariat and each stage of the revolution need to collect these demands and turn them into slogan to integrate in the program of the revolution.

The socialization is the only form that corresponds to the dynamics of the transition, so that not only the individuals but the society as a whole becomes tool and target of a process of transformation.

In order to apply the strategy and tactics of the revolution the Marxist-Leninist-Maoists need a concrete analysis of the concrete situation, developing an updated analysis of the modern imperialist system.

To uphold the Leninist theory of the imperialism against the theories of the globalization, the end of the nation state, so forth, is not enough. The modern imperialism state shows a few aspects that we need to analyze: the inclusion of the of the national States in international structures, as WTO, IMF, EU, is a structural feature of the modern State having important consequences for the class struggle; die organic integration of the workers aristocracy in the struc­tures of the State; the dimension of the state apparatus of control and ideologi­cal consensus that absorbs and uses the scientific thought (from the psychoa­nalysis to the sociology) and turns it into weapon to scientifically build and organize the consensus around the bourgeois state and the ruling class. We can call it the “big brother” State.

Let’s explain this with an example: in the imperialist society the police perse­cution, the social control of the political opposition are not new, but today we live inside a generalized spying network, where the intelligence not only tar­gets the actors of the political struggle, the “subversives” , but is an established an generalized system targeting everybody and the whole life, not only the activities connected with the political struggle. At the same time, the control of the territory, that earlier was an aspect present only in the sharpest phases of the social struggle or during the civil wars, today has become a preventive catalogued system

The last aspect is not only a theoretical problem but in strategic terms implies a relation between the de-structuring of such apparatuses and the construc­tion of the revolutionary process and the new power. Our goal is to make the socialist revolution in our country and to establish the proletarian dictatorship, to build the socialist state and to march toward the communism through the proletarian cultural revolutions, in the framework of the struggle of the world proletariat and as part of the international communist movement. Our strategy is the protracted people’s war. It goes through three stages: the strategic defensive, equilibrium and offensive …

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2 Responses to “Building the Maoist Communist Party in Italy (Interview released to the Nepali revolutionary press)”

  1. Hi, i just thought i’d post and let you know your blogs layout is really messed up on the K-Melon browser. Anyhow keep up the good work.

  2. Great post. Hope to read more good posts in the near future.

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