Revolution in India: Lalgarh’s Hopeful Spark

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And the riot be the rhyme of the unheard…
– Zack de la Rocha
Background of the Movement
At this moment an incredible event is taking place in the West Midnapore district of West Bengal. Before the eruption, this sleepy area was little known except to its own inhabitants. Now, a people’s movement of unprecedented size to West Bengal has risen from the suffering of its adivasi (tribal) inhabitants, galvanizing the region, and shocking greater India. This movement has been popularly termed “the Lalgarh uprising.”

Although one could accurately say the point of eruption of this rebellion occurred early in November of 2008, it is necessary to step back further in order to appreciate the context within which these events have unfolded. Lalgarh is an incredibly impoverished area of West Bengal. It contains one well-developed road—built to accommodate police—that is of little use to its indigenous inhabitants to whom even a motorbike is a rarity. Neither clean water nor electricity is available. Police brutality was a regular occurrence where villagers were detained and tortured for little or no reason—some singled out for repeated horrific abuse. (De, 2008) For many years the State promised development in the area, yet little to none was seen. In 2007, the Jindal Steel Group was given rights to set up a Special Economic Zone (SEZ) for steel production and was awarded a huge portion of land (different reports claim figures somewhere between 4,500 and 5,000 acres).

Large sections of these lands were tribal lands, supposedly protected by law for allocation to the indigenous people through a land-reform program. When the development began, adivasi people were displaced, and due to the specter environmental damage, many of their livelihoods were threatened. For years the system had abandoned these people, leaving them under the boot petty bureaucrats to live as paupers and subjected to every imaginable abuse. Then, in a final act of force, it sought to drive them off of the only land they knew. This callous act was no less that applauded by the ruling powers of the area. After word spread of the land rights being granted to Jindal Steel Group, the region shook choking with outrage. (Bhattacharyya, 2009)

On November 2, 2008, a landmine detonated in Shalbani in the West Midnapore district when a procession of business and governmental leaders—including the chief minister of West Bengal—returned from the inauguration of the Jindal Steel Works SEZ, having been planted by Maoist guerrillas to target their convoy in opposition to the shameful industrial project. (Ray, 2008) The high-profile attack spurred a massive campaign of police terror in local villages where many of the indigenous population were targeted as suspects or Maoist sympathizers (support for the Communist Party of India (Maoist) is widespread in many areas of the region). Men, women, and children were targeted without regard and were subjected to physical abuse, torture, and rape. (JNU Students, 2009)

Particularly polarizing moments were when one woman was struck in the face with a rifle butt resulting in a permanent loss of sight in one eye, eleven women were severely abused, and three students were arrested and detained (in a manner more resembling a kidnapping than arrest) on suspicion of being Maoists. However, the inhuman treatment of villagers by police extended far beyond these few vicious incidents and was rooted in a long history of such acts. (Kutty, 2009)

Lalgarh_adivasis_armed_with_traditional_weaponsSeveral days later thousands of villagers mobilized. Armed with only traditional weapons such as bows and arrows, and an iron resolve forged on decades of suffering, they dug trenches and laid tree trunks across roads to prevent security personnel from entering. In retribution they descended on police stations, damaged their cars, cut off electricity to the buildings, and demanded that police explain why so many of the adivasi people had been hurt. Huge mobilizations of this nature went on without pause for more than a month, drawing widespread attention. Police officers became subject to a social boycott, making it difficult for them to acquire the basic necessities of food and sanitary items required to stay in the area. Coupled with a strong Maoist presence, the social boycott made the Lalgarh area almost impregnable for governmental authority figures. (Bhattacharyya, 2009) Since these events, the uprising has spread like a wildfire influencing hundreds of villages in the West Midnapore district and has drawn immense support not just in West Bengal, but also from many areas in India. It has assumed a definite political character.

The Demands

The Demands On November 8, 2008, the People’s Committee Against Police Atrocities (Pulishi Atyacharer Biruddhe Janaganer Committee, or PCPA) was formed in Dalilpur Chowk. It was composed upon formation of elected representatives from 95 villages. (De, 2008) These numbers have vastly grown its foundation. Its inception bypassed previous organizations of tribal elders and mainstream political parties which had utterly failed in providing relief to the people of the area, and gave an organized and democratic voice to those from oppressed groups. The committee now makes all major decisions at large public meetings which are often attended by more than 10,000 people from hundreds of villages. (Chowdhury, 2008) The committee also put forth a 13-point set of demands [see for the list of demands]—as well as the police and administrative boycott—to make clear the adivasi people’s grievances. Many demonstrations, blockades, and strikes have been called by the PCPA, and relatively peaceful assaults on police camps and mainstream party offices were organized, initially by adivasi people. In many cases, police have been forced to withdraw entirely according to their demands. Another significant gain was to win the majority of their 13-point list demands as well as large monetary concessions for development, although these monetary gains were viewed as hoaxes that would never, in the end, benefit the adivasi people. (Kutty, 2009) However, their most important demand—that police go to each village and apologize—had yet to be won. (Indian Express, 2009) The people destroying a CPI-(M) party office

The months after the initial uprising have been characterized by constant forays and negotiations between police, government officials, their respective party cadre, and the people of West Bengal. These conflicts have often taken the form of liberating and losing village territory to government factions. A particularly interesting moment occurred during the weeks prior to the April 2009 Lok Sabha elections. The PCPA put forth a popular demand that no police be allowed into villages during the elections. Although the residents of the areas supported the idea of allowing the polls to occur, they refused to allow them to happen if any police personnel were going to be present. After a long standoff, the villages finally allowed the polls to occur with police presence, but only far outside the villages where the police boycott existed. Any villagers interested in voting were given rides to the designated polling place on buses chartered by the Election Commission. (De, 2009)

An important feature of the uprising has been the oppressive role played by the Communist Party of India (Marxist), known as the CPM—the dominant party in West Bengal’s Left Front government. This “communist” party has been deeply involved with West Bengal’s capitalists for decades and has brutally exploited West Bengal’s large tribal population. In the Lalgarh area, CPM leaders routinely pocket development funds meant for the villagers, and their police forces arrest and torture adivasis suspected of working with the Maoists in the area. Recent Developments On June 14, 2009, the PCPA and Maoists conducted a large campaign where they liberated 48 villages and took control of CPI (Marxist) party buildings in Dharampur. They were met with fierce opposition and were involved in furious gun battles for days preceding these events, but, in the end, succeeded in freeing these villages. (Bhattacharyya, 2009) On June 16, 2009, there was another significant uprising in Lalgarh in which a large number of adivasis set numerous police camps on fire, drove security forces and CPI (Marxist) cadre and leaders out of Lalgarh, retaking control of the area. (Rediff, 2009) An especially important moment was the destruction of the palatial building of CPI (Marxist) leader Anuj Pandey, one of the most hated government officials of the region. The destruction of this building was of great symbolic meaning. It had stood as a tower of oppression keeping the adivasi people under its heavy shadow for many years. Its destruction has finally allowed the sunshine to pour in, lifting the spirits of flowers once so heavily choked by weeds. Unfortunately, since this uprising security forces have descended into the area and have carried out murderous repression campaigns of the same nature that sparked the initial movement. (Sanhati, 2009) We can only hope those facing these campaigns can effectively defend their new found freedom in significant ways. During at least the past few weeks the United States has been providing technical assistance to the Indian government to quell the rebellion, which has allowed them to monitor the areas of Baroperlia, Kantapahari, Ramgarh, Mahultal, Kadashol, Pingboni, Goaltore, Dhrampur and Jhitka (Rajarshee, 2009) as well as plan assaults.

The CPI (Maoist) was officially “banned” throughout India as well in June. Soon after, a spokesperson of the Maoist party, Gour Chakravarthy, was arrested in Kolkata while giving an interview. (Indian Express, 2009) The government has even gone so far as to arrest outsiders who have arrived as neutral observers. A team of intellectuals from Kolkata, including filmmaker Aparna Sen, (General Secretariat of the ILPS, 2009) and a ten-person team of social activists, were arrested and assaulted by police. (MSN News, 2009) Despite the huge mobilization of military units and support from foreign imperialist countries, the people of West Bengal and the Maoists have been able to hold their own against the Indian paramilitary forces by conducting guerrilla-style battles and by driving police back out of newly-seized areas. The tribal people have often mobilized blockades while the PCPA and Maoists have conducted more military-based struggles. (Bhattacharyya, Lalgarh Update) Indian_police_in_lalgarh Since July 4, 2009, paramilitary forces and the West Bengal State police have been sent to capture Pingboni and Birbhanpur. (One India, 2009)

They also have been combing the forests of the Lalgarh area of Kadashole, Salboni, Godamouli, Jhitka, Kantapahari, and Ronja as part of an assault on Maoist forces and tribal people. (Mondal, 2009) Some leaders of the PCPA are also being explicitly targeted for allegedly supporting the Maoists. Sixteen paramilitary groups are operating in the area including COBRA. According to some press reports, the military groups plan to stay in full force until at least the end of July. (The Hindu, 2009) As of July 8th, mainstream news agencies have reported that Lalgarh was recaptured. However, the Maoists forces stationed there were able to escape relatively unscathed to the jungles of Ayodhya hills in Purulia via Belpahari (Chaudhuri, 2009) and still a number of villages remain liberated (up to date numbers are difficult to ascertain).

Notable Characteristics of the Lalgarh Uprising demonstration_adivasis_lalgarhFrom the beginning the Lalgarh uprising has been a progressive force. Since its birth, this movement has had an undeniably organic character, and at its height, drew tens of thousands of villagers out to fight against the corrupt establishment. The movement, clearly born out of the struggles of the noble adivasi peasants, has transcended rural tribal lines in important ways by drawing solidarity and defense from broader sections of the populace including students (Sanhati, 2009), human rights organizations (Amnesty International, 2009), small store owners, and adivasi migrant workers. (Ray, 2009) Although spontaneous at birth, the movement has quickly taken shape and developed leadership along democratic lines. The first leading mass organization rising out of the struggle was the PCPA. After its formation, committees quickly appeared in multiple villages, often being lead by women. All the major decisions of this organization were decided at mass meetings consisting of up to 10,000 adivasis from hundreds of villages. (Ray, 2009) Aside from the mass democratic organization the PCPA, embryonic parallel governing structures have begun to emerge as well. These are known as Gram Committees, which were formed in January of 2009 as an alternative to the panchayat system, a tool of the ruling factions of India. Each committee consists of a 10-member elected body—five men and five women—with each body having two delegates for larger area meetings (10 villages). Above those committees are a total of 35 representatives for central committee meetings—at this level the male/female ratio is not required to be equal (with females occupying a minimum of 12 seats)—who play governing roles. Each decision these committees make must be ratified by a general assembly of people and at least 150 of these committees have been formed (although these numbers are rapidly changing). Along with Gram Committees, the villagers also have set up village defense committees—a form of militia—to protect the people from hermad, police, and CPI (Marxist) attacks. (Bhattacharyya, 2009) These committees are quite radical and novel departures from the traditionally patriarchal and authoritarian institutions of the area. Whenever these organizations meet with representatives from the official government, they demand that the officials sit on woven mats alongside them. This occurs in direct contradiction to the traditional practice of governing officials sitting in a chair while the people sit on the ground around them. (Ray, 2009) These practices have served to shatter the chains wrapped around the inhabitants of the area, elevating them from a subservient childlike position, to one of equality, one of a people no longer subject to the rule of a small elite. lalgarh_communal_kitchen A communal kitchen Over the course of the struggle, new developmental initiatives have taken place. In Kantapahari, a hospital set up two years ago, but never utilized by the government, was seized by the PCPA and renamed the “People’s Hospital.” The hospital opened its doors staffed with one physician and six health workers. (Bhattacharyya, 2009) The PCPA has also taken steps to deal with agriculture and water scarcity problems with the instillation of tubewells in multiple villages and irrigation projects such as canal dredging. These initiatives have all taken place solely on the basis of monetary contributions and voluntary labor. The Maoists have also been playing an important role in developmental projects by encouraging a model of self-sufficiency and sustainability as opposed to projects dominated by foreign capital and a wealthy elite. These projects have included health centers, drinking water and irrigation projects, and road development. Besides helping set up parallel governing structures, the Maoists, alongside the villagers, have built at least 50 kilometers of gravel paths, set up tube wells and water tanks, set up irrigation initiatives, and are running health centers. (Bhattacharyya, 2009) lalgarh_woman_armed_with_bowExciting developments have occurred explicitly within the women’s movement—practices such as fair representation have been won and women’s leadership in the general movement has served as an important offensive against traditional patriarchy. An all-women’s branch of the PCPA has been formed, which is not only responsible for the fight against police repression and CPI (Marxist) attacks, but also against domestic oppression. One important initiative of this movement has been the seizure of businesses that distribute alcohol. Those who ignore the ban on consumption can be subject to social boycott. [see note B] (Bhattacharyya, 2009)

Concluding Remarks

It is my belief that the facts overwhelmingly demonstrate that the battle occurring for Lalgarh’s liberation is a just one. This movement is one of unprecedented size to the area, born from and led by the indigenous inhabitants of the region for an undeniably just cause. Revolutionary people should be watching this movement, learning what we can, and offering whatever support possible. No doubt this struggle will be a long and brutal one, with the people of West Bengal facing many trials and tribulations. This is a uniquely polarizing moment in recent political history, already being called the new Naxalbari, and will most likely prove to be a locus of revolutionary struggle for some time to come.

36 policemen killed in naxal attack in Chattisgarh

IN THE biggest ever Naxalite attack in Chattisgarh, the naxalites targeted police and killined SP Vinod Kumar Choubey among 36 others.
In this attack, 36 police men including Superintendent of police were killed. Naxals blasted a land mine, targeting a police combing party in Rajnandgam district. According to police, the naxalites killed two police men in Manpore police station jurisdiction on Sunday morning.
So the police party went to the spot in a van and the naxalites expected the same and blasted the land mine targeting the police party.
Two police vehicles were totally destroyed. Thirty one more police men were injured seriously in this blast and they were taken to the Raipore hospital in helicopter. Many jawans who were injured in the incident were admitted to Maanpur government hospital. About a dozen jawans who sustained serious injuries have been admitted to Rajnandgaon district hospital

Open Letter to the Politbureau of Communist Party of India (maoist)

Dear comrades,

On 20^th May 2009 you sent an open letter to the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (maoist), where you invited the Maoist revolutionaries on the international level to participate in the debate about the strategy and tactics they have to carry out today in the world.

Quite rightly, the CPI(m) has a high prestige in the international communist movement. Therefore, probably your invitation will be accepted by many parties, organizations and individuals, and this will produce a turning point in the communist movement.

Our Party wish it. That is why we accept your invitation and in our turn we send you this open letter.

 

Deliberately we will not go deeply as regards the particular and concrete lines the UCPN(m) follows for carrying out the revolution for new democracy in Nepal. The successes the CPN(m) got in the ten years (1996-2006) of the war it carried out in the countryside and in the three years after the agreement with the “Seven Parties Alliance�Elead and must lead everybody to hold in high esteem the ability CPN has to carry out the revolution in its country.

Anyway, beyond this, only the party who concretely carries out the revolution in its country is able to apply Marxism-Leninism- Maoism to the particular and concrete conditions of its country. As a matter of fact, it is not only nor mainly a theoretical task (about understanding and interpreting conditions, forms and outcomes of the class struggle ongoing in that country). It is a practical task, concerning the transformation of the relation of strength between the classes.

On the other side, the Communists of the whole world are interested and have the competence in dealing with the laws ruling the development of the world imperialist system and the universal teachings the experience of 160 years of the communist movement and particularly the experience of the first wave of proletarian revolution and of the revolutionary struggles going on today all around the world, and in Nepal as well, give to us.

Today there are deep disagreements about these universal teachings also among the Maoist revolutionaries. So, a frank and open debate is necessary. It will contribute to the new birth of the communist movement in the world. It will give the Communists what they need for taking full advantage of the conditions in favour of the proletarian revolution created by the second general crisis of capitalism and, particularly, starting from the last year, by the terminal phase of this crisis.

Looking at the situation on the world level, it is a sure thing that for some decades (since about the Mid Seventies until now) the world imperialist system has gone in a new general crisis (economical, political, cultural) and that still today the communist forces and their direction over the popular masses are developing at a very much lower pace than the pace of development of capitalistic general crisis. In the imperialist countries and in many oppressed countries the resistance of the popular masses to the imperialist system and to its crisis is still with no direction or it is directed by no communist forces. The most resounding case is that of Arabian and Muslim countries (Palestine, Lebanon, Iraq, Afghanistan, Somalia, and others).

In this situation the communist parties that get victories in their country propose their particular lines as universal lines to the other communist parties. So the Communist Party of Peru did some years ago. So the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) does today. Some similar situations occurred in the past, when the Russian Communist Party carried out the October revolution and established the Soviet Union, when the Chinese Communist Party lead the revolution of new democracy to victory and constituted the People’s Republic of China, when revolution won in Cuba, in Vietnam, and elsewhere.

 

We have understood that it mainly regards the Communists of the countries where revolution still has not won, to learn from the more advanced parties. The ones who mainly try to copy, generally can hardly get anything. Lenin and Stalin many times admonished communist parties of the Communist International not to copy the Russians, but to learn from Russian revolution.

The more advanced communist parties do right trying to give the best of their experience to the other parties. But unavoidably they end up by more or less talking of themselves, talking in their country language. At the Fourth Congress of the Communist International (1922) Lenin acknowledged that the resolution about the organizational structure of the communist parties, on methods and contents of their work, voted the year before at the Third Congress, was completely right, even excellent, but not understandable and anyhow impracticable by the parties of the Communist International, as it was completely Russian, founded on Russian conditions and mentality. Not only it would remain a dead letter, but “with that resolution we did a serious mistake, we cut across our own path towards further successes�E Lenin said. Only leaders with a great personal experience of the international communist movement succeeded in elaborating by themselves from the many particular experiences universal laws and principles useful to the entire communist movement. Surely, collective debate and research in which parties and comrades from many countries participate, make easier to elaborate universal laws and principles from the particular experiences of different countries, so that everybody could learn what universal quality that particularity has. Such a debate is the most favourable context for doing this.

 

Why the pace of the new birth of the communist movement, considering the entire world, is so slow compared to the pace of the second general crisis of capitalism?

Because the greatest part of the communist parties and organizations still have not a strategy openly declared, elaborated from the experience of the first wave of proletarian revolution and consciously practiced for carrying out socialist revolution in their country. The greatest part of the parties of the imperialist countries are still largely acting blindly. Many of them apply lines and follow methods of work that the communist parties of their countries already followed during the first wave of proletarian revolution, without getting victory. The greatest part of the communist parties of the imperialist countries still have not taken stock of the struggles the communist party carried out in their country during the first wave of proletarian revolution. They do not even explain, firstly to themselves, why their forerunners did not succeed in establishing socialism in their country during the first wave of proletarian revolution.

It is a sure thing: which communist parties of the imperialist countries do openly declare a strategy for establishing socialism in their country and follow it consciously and systematically?

 

Guided by Marxism-Leninism- Maoism, from the experience of the first wave of proletarian revolution in the imperialist country and particularly in Italy, our Party has elaborated the strategy of protracted revolutionary people’s war, applied at the imperialist countries. We succeeded in doing it thanks to understanding some economical characteristics of imperialism, that is, mainly, the crises for absolute overproduction of capital and the Antithetic Forms of Social Unity, and some its political characteristics, mainly the regime of preventive counter revolution. These characteristics were not been rightly understood or valorised by the communist parties and by the Communist international during the first wave of proletarian revolution.

We explained our conception of the world, our outcome of the experience of the communist movement, our general line in the Manifesto Program of the Party, published in the spring of 2008 (you may find the English version of the work in the English section of the Eile (Edizioni in Lingue Estere) on the website http://www.nuovopci .it). Now we are systematically applying this strategy to the concrete conditions for making Italy a new socialist country and so contributing to the second wave of proletarian revolution. The victories the Communists get in other countries strengthen our struggle. They help us very much for even better understanding the situation and our tasks and also on the practical level. Sooner or later the victories we shall get will draw also the attention of the brother parties to the work we are carrying out. Then probably they will be able to learn something from us, so as we learn and learnt from others. The sooner this will happen, the sooner the new birth of the communist movement will speed up. That is why we are in favour of the open and frank debate on the international level. We support everybody who is trying to learn also from others�Eexperience. We participate in it with all the forces we have.

 

All the communist parties who call themselves Marxist-Leninist- Maoist or even only Marxist-Leninist share the thesis according to which in the last century the revisionists prevailed in the communist movement and took its direction. This is clear to everybody.

In consequence of this the first wave of proletarian revolution little by little lost its energy until it became exhausted. The first socialist countries decayed and finally or collapsed or changed in their contrary. Nearly all the communist parties formed during the first wave of the proletarian revolution degenerated and finally most of all disappeared or radically changed sides. All over the world the working class and the popular masses yielded to the counter offensive the bourgeoisie launched driven by the new general crisis of capitalism and lost most of the conquests they got during the first wave of proletarian revolution. These are facts that all the parties who call themselves Marxist-Leninist- Maoist or even only Marxist-Leninist acknowledge and declare.

But why did the revisionists prevail over the left wing of the communist movement?

The right answer to this question allows the Communists of the whole world to draw important lessons as regards the strategy and tactics they have to follow and strengthens the trust in the victory of proletarian revolution. On the contrary, many parties are content with ascertaining the facts: “they were the revisionists who temporarily won and got the direction of the international communist movement in the last decades�E

Revisionists�Evictory is surely temporary, but it was not at all an expected and unavoidable event. Revisionists were carriers of bourgeoisie and other reactionary classes�Einfluence in the communist movement. They were the right wing of the communist movement. Why did the right wing prevaile over the left one?

Mao taught us that it is not possible to prevent the bourgeoisie and the other reactionary classes, until they keep existing, from exercising some influence over the communist movement. On the other hand, during the first wave of proletarian revolution we have seen quite well that also the communist movement exercises some influence in bourgeoisie’s field.

Anyway, if it is not possible to eliminate the right wing, generally it is possible that the left wing prevents bourgeoisie and other reactionary classes�Einfluence from prevailing in the communist movement. It is possible that the left wing prevents the right wing from prevailing.

During the first wave of proletarian revolution, despite the great successes it got (the establishment of the first socialist countries that united a third of humanity, the destruction of the old colonial system, the great economical, political and cultural conquests of the working class and of the popular masses in the imperialist countries, the defeat of Nazi �EFascism) the left wing did not prevent the right wing from winning: after all the ruin of great part of the work built during the first wave of the proletarian revolution comes from this victory of the right wing. For the new birth of the communist movement and the victory of the second wave of proletarian revolution it is decisive to understand the reason why the left wing has not been able to prevent the victory of the right wing.

 

Today many of the communist parties who call themselves Marxist-Leninist and also those who call themselves Marxist-Leninist- Maoist did not give open and systematic answer to these questions. So they act prevalently blindly.

Many parties are content with imputing the degeneration and the following ruin of the first socialist countries to the infiltration and the subversion by the States and the agencies of the imperialist countries: “Western agencies infiltrated and subverted the countries of Eastern Europe and even the former Soviet Union�E Some add to this the degeneration of the members and particularly of the leaders of the communist parties in a bureaucratic, careerist and luxurious class.

In substance, the first ones attribute the prominence to the external over the internal causes. This means to consider the degeneration of the first socialist countries an exception to the law according to which the internal causes prevail over the external ones, so as it is in nature and in human history. Moreover, their conviction paralyzes the communist movement: what does grant us that imperialists�Einfiltration and subversion not ruin our work as they would have ruined it in the past?

In substance, the second ones add some moralistic feature (careerism, luxury, pleasure, etc.) to the old semi-anarchist and anticommunist Trotsky’s theory of Soviet Union bureaucratic degeneration. As a matter of fact the revisionists did not win because they would have been careerist, corrupted, addicted to pleasures and luxury. The right wing did not prevail over the left one in the communist movement, nearly all over the world, because men by nature, as soon as they can, would be careerist, corrupted, irresistibly attracted by pleasure and luxury. These are conceptions of priests. They are not conception worthy of Communists. Trotsky proposes again the anarchist conception according to which each leader is a despot, a profiteer, an exploiter. This is in contrast with the reality of the communist movement that highlighted (and highlights still today) thousands and hundred of thousands of leaders fully devoted to the cause of Communism.

With these anti-dialectical, semi clerical, and semi anarchist conception the Communists prevent themselves form understanding their own limits, because of which the left wing of the communist movement did not prevented the right wing from prevailing.

Firstly, they were limits of understanding conditions, forms and outcomes of class struggle. These limits of understanding on their turn generated limits in the practical struggle, prevented the left wing to carry on the class struggle effectively.

In order to carry out effectively the transformation of the present society in a communist society, in order to make the socialist revolution, after all it is necessary to understand enough rightly the world we are working in: in order to be the main promoter of the transformation of the present world, the communist party has to be its right interpreter.

 

If during the first wave of proletarian revolution, starting from a certain point on, the communist parties that were leading the first socialist countries did not give anymore solutions suited for the problems of growth of their countries and for the tasks related to their role of red bases of the proletarian revolution on the world level;

if during the first wave of proletarian revolution no communist party in the imperialist country elaborated a strategy suited for establishing socialism in its country;

if during the first wave of proletarian revolution many parties of the oppressed countries did not head the revolution of new democracy carrying out protracted revolutionary people’s wars;

all this shows the limits the world communist movement did not yet overcome and the limits it has to overcome. The limits of the cognitive process (and they regard also the left wing) come before the limits of dedication to the cause (characteristic of the right wing).

As regards the communist Party of our country (the old PCI), we see clearly that the main reason why Palmiro Togliatti (the main exponent of the right wing of old PCI) prevailed in the party was not its personal cleverness nor the mass inclination of PCI members. The main reason was that the exponents of the left wing (the main exponent of whom was Pietro Secchia) had not a strategy for establishing socialism in our country: they played by ear.

In order to advance every communist party has to single out and overcome the limits that prevented the victory of proletarian revolution in its country. The stock of the experience of the first wave of proletarian revolution, the stock of the experience of the first socialist countries, shortly the stock of the historical experience of the communist movement is indispensable for the new birth of the communist movement. It is an indispensable aspect of the debate about the strategy and tactics the Maoist revolutionaries has to follow for leading the second wave of the proletarian revolution to victory.

 

We wish the glorious Communist Party of India (maoist) will develop on this way the debate it launched with the open letter of 20^th May 2009 to CPN(m)U and to which it invited the Maoist revolutionaries worldwide. Such a debate would mark a turning point within the communist movement, particularly in these months when the entire world is shaken by the final phase of the second general crisis of capitalism and the popular masses have to turn into some road for facing the situation.

Already now we offer our Manifesto Program for such a debate. In fact, with it we make available to all Communists the answers we have found to the questions above expressed. We wish they could be useful to the Communists of the entire world and we also trust that they could share them, enriching, completing and correcting them, if it will be necessary.

 

We wish an open answer and send revolutionary greetings to CPI (Maoist) Politbureau.

 

The Provisional Commission of Central Committee of (new)Italian Communist Party

CPI – MAOIST INFORMATION BULLETIN.

ISSUE 07

ISSUE08

Solidarity Message from the Communist Party of Greece (marxist-leninist) ‘protest rally-picket on’ Tuesday, July 7th, in front of the Indian embassy, Athens.

Call for a protest rally-picket on Tuesday, July 7th, in front of the Indian Embassy, Athens.
Solidarity to the just struggle of the Adivasi in Lalgarh!

The Communist Party of Greece (marxist-leninist) stands by the side of the people in Lalgarh and supports their just struggle, condemns the atrocities conducted by the police and paramilitary forces, denounces the stance of the pseudo-communists that lead the government in Kalkota and calls upon parties, organizations, entities and independent activists to a protest rally-picket on Tuesday, July 7th, in front of the Indian embassy, Athens.

Communist Party of Greece (marxist-leninist)
Athens 2/7/2009

Tragic end of a Talented Marxist-Leninist Leader

Sadly,
Comrade Harbhajan Sohi ,a Central Commitee member of C.P.R.C.I.(M.L.) passed away.I would be grateful if you could publish the message on your website.Even if not the correct mass line it certainly has historic value towards its achievement.

Let us dip our blood in memory of Comrade Harbhajan Singh Sohi.I will later send you his works and published materials on mass line and International Line.He aws one of the most outstanding Architects of the mass line.Let us pay Red Salutes to him.

regards
Harsh

Tragic end of a Talented Marxist-Leninist Leader

Professor Harbhajan Singh Sohi, Central Committee member of Communist Party Reorganizing Centre of India (CPRCI)-ML is no more. He passed away on 15^th June unnoticed without being getting even medical help at Bathinda. He was cremated on 16^th June morning in the presence of family, friends and comrades. He had returned a day before after attending some party work outside Punjab.
Professor Sohi was born on 18^th March; 1939.His ancestral village was Bhari in Sangrur district of Punjab. During his student days in Bathinda, he got involved in leftist movement. After doing his M.A. in English literature from Punjabi University Patiala, he taught for few months at Rajindra Government College Bathinda for few months, which gave him the life long tag of ‘Professor’. He remained known as Prof. Harbhajan for long time, then added Sohi to differentiate from another Naxal activist of the same title and name. He became active in CPM and worked for few months in CPM daily paper ‘Lok Lehar’, published from Jalandhar then. During 1967 Naxalbari revolt, he was one among those, who came out of CPM. For a while, they became part of All India Coordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries of India (AICCCRI), set up by Charu Majumdar, later converted into Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) in 1969. The mass base group of popular communist leader of Andhra Pradesh,T.Nagi Reddy group was either kept out or did not join it. Group led by Harbhajan Sohi also came out of CPI (ML) opposing its individual annihilation line and supporting mass line of T.Nagi Reddy. Later they formed Bathinda –Ferozeour committee of Communist Revolutionaries, which worked in close coordination with Nagi Reddy group of Andhra Pradesh, leading to the formation of Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India(UCCRI_Marxist Leninist) in 1975, led by D V Rao. UCCRI focused on building mass organization of students, workers, peasants, youth and women. In Punjab, Punjab Students Union led by popular leader Pirthipal Singh Randhawa became quite strong. Peasant organization-Wahikar Union and workers organization-Moulder&Steel workers Union in Ludhiana also took roots. But UCCRI (ML) split in 1988, on the issue of post Mao Chinese developments. It led to the formation of Centre for Communist Revolutionaries of India(C.C.R.I.)and further leading to formation of Communist Party Reorganizing Centre of India (CPRCI-ML). But the group never attained the same popular standing among masses after this split, and the decline set in mass line follower groups of ML as well. Prof. Harbhajan Sohi remained close comrade of T.Nagi Reddy and one of the important theoreticians and leader of this group. In early seventies, he wrote a booklet on Bhagat Singh in the party name of Baldev, in which he analyzed the revolutionary legacy of Bhagat Singh.
Professor Sohi was a literary figure too. Known as ‘Bhajan’ among family and friends, he wrote poetry and once won poetry competition prize of Language Department Punjab and feasted his friends of Bhhotwara(Ghost House) with the prize money. He wrote a touching poem on the assassination of revolutionary Punjabi poet-Paash at the hands of Khalistani terrorists in 1988, which was published in translation in reputed Hindi journal ‘Aalochna’, edited by Naamvar Singh. Dalip Kaur Tiwana, Saraswati Samman winner Punjabi author, describes him as ‘Bhajan Bathinde wala’ in her autobiography. Gyanpeeth award winner Gurdial Singh was his personal friend. He was good player of Volleyball. He was tall, healthy and handsome. With other student friends, they started life with ‘Happy Home’ in Bathinda, where young boys and girls met on equal footing and later dreamt of ‘Happy India’ based on Socialist principles. During Punjabi University days, he was part of ‘Bhootwara’(Ghost House), the group of young scholars and writers, many of them like Dr. Gurbhagat Singh, Dr. Sutinder Singh Noor(Vice President, Sahitya Akademi), Harinder singh Mehboob(Sahitya Akademi award winner) Navtej Bharti and Sohi himself have earned a reputed name in Indian society.
Though ML group of Sohi never took part in violent activities, yet it never became overground. It remained underground without having any substantial cases against their activists. There is dichotomy, they professed and practiced mass line, and there was no situation of uprising to keep organization secret. Sohi has been meeting Nepal comrades, including Babu Ram Bhattrai, during my student days at JNU during 1977-82. Many of ML groups became overground and many started participating in parliamentary elections as well. Sohi’s group neither gave call for election boycott nor participated in these elections. But they did take part in student union or employee union elections in institutions. Leaders of mass organizations of the group have earned some name in society, but the leaders leading them from behind are going down in anonymity, this is rather ironic.
It was on 26^th June 1975, the first day of emergency, when I was arrested along with Prof. Harbhajan Sohi by Punjab police in early morning raid at Prof. Harbhajan Sohi’s house in Bathinda, when he was overground for a brief period. He got out on bail after two months and since has been underground, more than 34 years. I spent about seven months before coming out. His memorial meeting in Bathinda is ironically being held on this 26^th June. Only way to remember him for me is to think of left unity in the country. Bhajan loved life and faced all odds with confidence. Indian middle class is getting more and more fascist in its moorings. In such situation, after loosing Baba Bhagat singh Bilga, Vimla Dang in quick succession, the loss of Harbhajan Sohi in relatively early age is even more sad and damaging for the democratic movement of Punjab. Yet the life must be celebrated and the struggle to change it for the better must continue, that would be the best tribute to Prof. Harbhajan Singh Sohi.
Chaman Lal
Professor, centre of Indian languages,
J.N.U., New Delhi-

Hail the heroic martyrdom of our beloved comrades Patel Sudhakar Reddy and Venkatayya

(Party letter in June, 2009)

Dear Comrades!

On May 23 our Party and the Indian revolution had suffered another major and irreparable loss. On that fateful day, at about 10.30 am, comrade Patel Sudhakar Reddy alias Suryam alias Vikas, who is a member of the central committee of our Party, and another district-level comrade Venkatayya alias Prasanna, were arrested by the SIB goons of Andhra Pradesh, were brutally tortured and murdered in the early hours of 24^th. They were arrested from Nashik city in Maharashtra. The dead bodies of our two comrades were thrown in the forest near Lavvala in Tadwai mandal of Warangal district and the usual story of an encounter was floated. The Chief Minister who was in Delhi repeated this concocted police story without an iota of shame. The police claimed that one AK-47 rifle and a 9mm pistol were recovered from the dead along with three kit bags. As part of the psychological warfare of the enemy, a statement was issued in the name of our Party spokesperson comrade Azad, that comrade Vikas had indeed gone to Warangal on some work to mislead the people. Later our CC issued a statement disowning the statement given in the name of Azad and exposing the SIB’s psychological war.

Our CC issued a call to the entire Party and people to observe bharat bandh on June 12 to protest against the cold-blooded murder of our beloved comrades. A petition was filed in the High Court by the Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee for conducting a re-postmortem on the body of the martyrs and upon the Court’s order it was carried out on May 26 on the body of comrade Vikas. The manner in which it was conducted was condemned by the civil rights organisations and others as it was done secretly without allowing comrade Sudhakar Reddy’s brother or others inside when the autopsy was being conducted. Comrade Varavara Rao said that he would file a case against the Warangal police chief Sajjanar for contempt of court as they did not allow the family members of the deceased at the time of re-postmortem. Various political parties condemned the murder describing it as a fake encounter and demanded a judicial enquiry. Maoist prisoners in the Cherlapalli jail in Hyderabad and Warangal central jail went on a hunger strike, protesting against the encounter of Sudhakara Reddy. They demanded that fake encounters be immediately stopped.

However, neither the openly lawless goonda ruling AP, YS Reddy, nor the neo-Nazi criminals hidden behind a certain degree of sophistication and gentle appearances ruling at the Centre—Manmohan Singh and Chidambaram—bothered about fake encounter killings. All they want is the elimination of the Maoist leadership at any cost. These unconstitutional criminal acts are not carried out by some police officials at the district or even state level. They are planned and executed under the direct guidance and direction of the top political leadership—YS Reddy in AP and Manmohan Singh-Chidambaram at the Centre. Comrades Vikas and Prasanna are the first victims of the fascist repression unleashed by the newly re-elected blood-thirsty government of YS Reddy in Andhra Pradesh and the Congress-led UPA government in the Centre.

The facts regarding the incident are as follows: 

Comrade Vikas went to meet comrade Prasanna at about 10 on May 23^rd morning in Nashik city. He informed another comrade with whom he was staying at that time that he would attend the appointment and return within one hour. He called up after half-an-hour and informed that he would see for the contact at 11 am also and return by 11.30. And that was the last to hear from him. He, along with comrade Prasanna, were abducted from the appointment place in Nashik, airlifted to Warangal which is more than 1000 km away, tortured them throughout the night and murdered in the early hours and their bodies were thrown in Lavvala forest in Eturnagaram of Warangal district. In less than 18 hours the SIB had abducted, tortured and murdered the comrades and threw their bodies at a place more than 1000kms away. Such is the sophistication of the criminal lawless gang in AP called SIB which never had any accountability whatsoever whether under the TDP regime of Chandrababu Naidu or the Congress regime of YS Reddy.  

Patel Sudhakar Reddy, also popularly known as Suryam in the revolutionary camp in Andhra Pradesh and as Vikas in the CC and the newly formed Party after the merger of CPI(ML)[PW] and MCCI in September 2004, has become one of the established leaders of the Indian revolution and a member of the central committee of CPI(Maoist) after a long illustrious revolutionary career. He began his revolutionary life as a student activist in the early 1980s when he was studying his bachelor’s course in Gadwal town in Mahboobnagar district. Later he did his Master’s degree in Osmania University in Hyderabad and joined the movement as a full-time organizer. He made significant contributions to the Maoist Party and the Indian revolution.

Comrade Suryam, hailing from Kurthiravula Cheruvu in Mahbbobnagar district in south Telengana, is a senior leader of the CPI(Maoist) who began his revolutionary life as a student leader of Radical Students Union in early `80s. Responding to the call of the Party to build a zone of armed agrarian revolutionary struggle in North Telangana and Dandakaranya with the goal of transforming them into base areas, he went to Eturnagaram- Mahadevpur forest in North Telengana in 1983 and worked as a commander of the guerrilla squad. Later he was transferred to Gadchiroli district where he worked until 1988. He was shifted to the work of purchasing arms for equipping the speedily growing armed guerrilla squads. He played a crucial role in supplying arms to the Party but was arrested in 1992 in Bangalore based on a tip-off from an arrested person. He remained an exemplary communist leader in jail where he spent almost seven years. He was released in 1998 and was taken into the AP state committee in the state Plenum held in 1999. He served as its secretariat member from 2001 to mid-2003 when he was transferred to other work allotted by the CC. He played a prominent role in building the movement in Dandakaranya in its initial years and later in the state of Andhra Pradesh. He was taken into the CC in 2005 and as a member of the CC he made significant contribution in formulating the central policies and plans. 

Comrade Venakatayya hails from Cheryala mandal in Warangal district and was actively involved in the student movement in AP for almost a decade and served as a leader of the All India Revolutionary Student Federation in AP. He was shifted to technical work in 2004 and has been working in the technical field since then.

The contribution of comrades Suryam and Prasanna to the Indian revolution will never be forgotten by the Party, the PLGA and people. They will continue the struggle for the liberation of the country with redoubled vigour and hatred for the exploiters and traitors who rule the country. The reactionary rulers of India, with the active assistance of the imperialists, vainly hope to suppress the Indian revolution by eliminating the central and state leadership of the CPI(Maoist). By this, they think they can deprive the oppressed people of leadership and suppress their struggle for land, livelihood and liberation. But this conspiracy of the reactionary rulers will remain a mere day-dream. Thousands upon thousands of worthy revolutionary successors will step into the shoes of these beloved leaders turning the dreams of the reactionary rulers into nightmares.

Martyrdom of com Vikas is an irreparable loss to the Indian revolution and the Party. He was an exemplary model to be emulated by all revolutionaries. Even in the midst of severe enemy repression he maintained a calm posture and instilled immense confidence in other cadres. He had also contributed much in studying the enemy tactics. Both Vikas and Prasanna were known for their sincerity and dedication, their deep commitment to the cause of the oppressed people, and militant fighting nature. Even in the severest hardships comrade Suryam never showed any tension which gave immense confidence to the cadres around him. In one incident when he was working in Nallamala forest region, the enemy suddenly came near the camp and there was tension inside the comrades present in the camp. But seeing com Suryam who just sat coolly others regained their cool and waited. Com Suryam sent instructions to the defence batch asking them to put up fight if attacked and to continue firing until everyone else had retreated.

But in the middle of 2003 CC decided to shift him from AP to central work.

The martyrdom of these comrades is a great loss to the Indian revolution. The CC, CPI(Maoist), pays its red revolutionary homage to comrade Sudhakar Reddy and Venkatayya and vows to fulfill their revolutionary dreams of a classless society. The people of India, particularly the people of AP, will never forget the great service these comrades had rendered to the Indian revolution. The Party will certainly avenge the martyrdom of these comrades by intensifying and expanding the ongoing people’s war, establish base areas in the vast countryside of the country, transform the PLGA into PLA and advance the Indian revolution to its final victory

 The CC, CPI(Maoist), pays its red revolutionary homage to our beloved leaders—comrade Sudhakar Reddy and Venkatayya—and vows to fulfill their revolutionary dreams for a classless society.  Let us intensify and expand the ongoing people’s war, establish base areas in the vast countryside of the country, transform the PLGA into PLA and advance the Indian revolution to its final victory.

The role of leadership is very crucial in any revolution. All successful revolutions in history had taken great care in preserving the leadership and ensuring continuity of leadership. Without such a continuity of leadership it is impossible to advance the revolutionary war and achieve final victory. Hence the enemy also has been trying desperately by all means at his disposal to eliminate the Party leadership at all levels, particularly the central and state leadership. Enormous funds have been allotted for the purpose of eliminating the leadership and a vast intelligence network has been set up.

Let us take proper lessons from the serious losses suffered by our Party in the recent period, specifically the period after the Party Congress, strictly avoid repetition of the mistakes and strive hard to come out of our weaknesses, preserve and accumulate our subjective forces, be ever vigilant against the conspiracies and machinations of the enemy, be ever ready for any kind of sacrifice, and march ahead to achieve bigger victories.

Stand by Lalgarh’s Struggle against State Repression! Statement by Students of DSU, India

Expose SFI-CPM’s Lies! Stand by Lalgarh’s Struggle against State Repression!

Masses make their own histories, not in the best of circumstances of their own choice but in the circumstances given to them.

–Marx

 

The old is dying and the new is struggling to be born; in this interregnum there arises a great diversity of morbid symptoms.

–Gramsci

 

As more and more write-ups and commentaries on the people’s uprising in Lalgarh is pouring in, it is important to respond to some of the salient points that keep coming up albeit couched in political sophistry. Whether it is from the sensation-crazed media or from Karats to Yechury, Biman Bose or Buddhadeb and their likes in the Liberation, or the SFI and AISA in this campus, all have striking similarities. The most striking aspect which also speaks volumes of their political bankruptcy is their latent and mortal fear to accept that people, the masses of the people, can also think. They do have a political will determined by their objective and subjective experiences of the harsh realities of eking out a livelihood in some of the most economically backward regions of the subcontinent. This is a deliberate vice of all ruling class ideologies and their practitioners to portray people as lifeless beings, empty receptacles who can only be `gullible’ and `innocent’. So like the “white man’s burden” it is for the righteous CPM, Liberation and their torchbearers in the campus —including some of the learned faculty— to show the people the `true’ path. But this path is of servility to the existing exploitative, blood-thirsty policies promoted by all the political parties that have put their money-bags in the parliament.

 

Why are these parties insisting that the people of Lalgarh are gullible, ignorant, innocent, illiterate…? It is only in that way they can justify their massive police-paramilitary build up in the region to `liberate’ the people from the clutches of the Maoists who have led them astray under the barrel of the gun. What CPM, Liberation, SFI and AISA is conveniently forgetting is that the same people of Lalgarh has long been fighting the harmads, the fascist goons of the CPM armed to the teeth with ammunition provided from the government ordinance factories. These storm-troopers were the forces through which the CPM used to maintain their control over the people, enforce elections, corner government money meant for the development of the adivasis, and maintain an informers’ network which used to work in tandem with the police. So to say the Maoists have terrorised the people of Lalgarh into submission to indulge in their `infantile disorder’ is to refuse to admit the bold and daring initiative of the masses of Jangalkhand, their efforts to build a future free from all forms of exploitation and domination. The efforts to build health centres, roads linking up all the villages, small check dams and other water harvesting methods through which they have managed two crops a season are all definite indicators of the political will of the people, their vision of their future. Through these efforts where the people –adivasis and dalits were at the centre of development and not CPM and its village strongmen – the impoverished masses of Lalgarh has succeeded in freeing themselves from CPM’s stranglehold in the last eight months of the movement against state repression, and to reverse their dependency on migratory labour outside the region. This people who have dared to manage their own future can rebel against any form of domination and exploitation, and as per SFI if the Maoists are doing that, then they too will be taught a lesson by the masses. The People’s Committee have given an open call for everyone to visit these areas to have a first hand knowledge of what is becoming and what is passing away in the unfolding struggle of Lalgarh. Perhaps the SFI and AISA members should go to these areas and see the initiative of the masses for themselves, and discover the truth.

 

SFI was quoting Mao perhaps to teach the DSU a lesson or two on the need for politics to be in command of all the actions by the revolutionaries. But strangely one thing that is missing in all the SFI and AISA pamphlets was politics from the point of view of the oppressed, deprived, discriminated and exploited. While reading Mao, SFI might have also come across this great insight from that Marxist practitioner—to have faith in the masses and only the masses. All the parliamentary parties fear the masses. Whenever the masses rise in revolt they grab the constitution which normally and conveniently they forget. They turn upside down all dissidence of the people into a `law and order’ question. So when Yechury is busy asking Manmohan Singh to show his seriousness by deploying the forces with immediate effect in Lalgarh and adjoining areas, Prakash Karat makes a song and dance about the virtues of dealing with the Maoists politically and `administratively’ . To add to this, Brinda Karat has gone senile to the extent that she has harped on the imperialist backed (for CPM’s alleged opposition to the Nuke Deal) efforts of the Congress-Trinamul- `Ultra Left’ combine to dislodge a democratically elected government of West Bengal. In all this double–talk of the CPM leaders, their fascist face could not be hidden from the masses. Soon they set the gun on Chidambaram’ s shoulder to declare the CPI (Maoist) as a terrorist organisation. So much for their political and ideological dealing with the Maoists. They have even declined to differentiate between the Maoists and the members of the People’s Committee leading the struggle, paving way for the persecution of one and all resisting state repression. When we look into the arms-haul made from the CPM office in Khejuri near Nandigram—which Mamata Banerjee had declared as `liberated from the clutches of CPM’—nobody asked as to how a party could have police uniforms and ammunition from the ordinance factories in its office. Predictably, there was no police-paramilitary operation against Mamata’s `liberated’ Khejuri. This also shows the class character of ruling class oppression of all forms of dissent —whether armed or unarmed— that are genuinely from the masses of the people. As long as it is turf war between CPM and Trinamul, Congress or BJP, it is not a law and order question.

 

SFI has blamed the Maoists for making people’s struggles a `law and order’ question. Does that mean the people do not have any right to defend themselves against the flagrant violation of their right to livelihood, dignity, and security? There was also an indication that in Kandhamal it was due to the Maoist killing of the Hindu Fascist Lakshmanananda that the people of Kandhamal had to suffer the persecution of the RSS-Bajrang Dal goons. So does that mean by the same standards, the people of Lalgarh have to suffer in the hands of the security forces because the Maoists sided with the oppressed masses? The SFI should come clear. They would make even an RSS and ABVP proud with their findings, which lacks any class analysis and reads like the handout of the officialdom.        

 

Today anyone who defiantly speak against the anti-people policies of the government and at the same time keep all ruling class parties away from their struggle are branded Maoists. And Chidambaram- Buddha combine have also called the Maoists as terrorists. The SFI taking cue from that has also started profiling the very ideology of Marxism-Leninism- Maoism. If they have differences with the ideology of the revolutionaries, they should state first their ideological- political differences. Who is the genuine representative of the revolutionary ideals of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Mao and all people’s heroes will be determined by those who have dared to make their own histories not in circumstances of their own choice but in circumstances given to them. Lalgarh and its people have dared to do it. The progressive and democratic forces including the Maoists have said they are with them. It is only the CPM, SFI, Liberation and AISA by indulging in duplicity have turned against the fighting masses, or are parroting the oft-repeated sophistry that `innocent’ [read ignorant] people are caught between the state and the Maoists. They should know that the failure of the revisionist CPM in West Bengal or Kerala does not mean the defeat of communist ideology in the subcontinent. It only shows the failure of a party that turned against the cause of social change by caricaturing Marxism, by becoming a part of the Indian ruling class, and thereby the  trusted agents of imperialism, feudalism and the big bourgeoisie. The complete failure of CPM in addressing the genuine demands of the adivasis and poor peasants even after their 30 years of virtual reign in West Bengal is a tell-tale sign of the party’s deviation from the basics of Marxist politics. Their reactionary political ideology as is visible from the failure of land redistribution among the masses, and also from the invitation to the Tatas and Jindals for establishing the industries at the cost of poor peasants and adivasis. It is no different from Congress and BJP’s pro-imperialist political line.

 

Branding anyone who is standing against state oppression as Maoists has become a license to torture and kill. And it is not a new tactic, it was employed when dalit Christians were burnt alive by the RSS goons in Orissa, in persecuting adivasis in the name of Salwa Judum, in the cold-blooded murder of adivasi youths on mere suspicion of being Maoist supporters in Chattisgarh, and in the present state repression in Lalgarh. The SFI is trying hard to justify the butchering of poor adivasis because they have started to resist the perpetuation of decades of organized and systemic violence on the most oppressed sections of the society. The SFI is ruing the punishment of Avijit Mahatos and Anuj Pandeys of the CPM, who has generated people’s wrath because of their fascist stranglehold over the poor masses. SFI must understand that Marxist politics is not what is propagated by CPM, but what is manifested by the conviction of Lalgarh’s adivasi masses to fight against the ruling class’s dictatorship. No amount of `course-correction’ and `introspection’ can save CPM from its eminent doom, and no amount of repression can break the resolve of the heroic Lalgarh masses for their liberation.

Latests Report from Lalgarh

CRPP
———— ——— ——— ——— ——— ——— –

COMMITTEE FOR THE RELEASE OF POLITICAL PRISONERS
185/3, FOURTH FLOOR, ZAKIR NAGAR, NEW DELHI
CONDEMN THE ARREST OF GOUR CHAKRAVARTY,
THE WEST BENGAL STATE SPOKESPERSON OF CPI (MAOIST)!
RELEASE HIM UNCONDITIONALLY!
The Committee for the Release of Political Prisoners (CRPP) strongly condemns the arrest and media trial of Gour Chakravarty, the West Bengal State Spokesperson of the CPI (Maoist).
This is a complete volte face of the CPI (M) led government which had continuously insisted that they would deal with the Maoists politically. In fact it shows beyond doubt that the issues raised by the Maoists and the militant struggles of the Adivasis of Lalgarh have become a real problem for the CPM-led government in West Bengal. The only way that this government can deal with the issues of life and death for the toiling masses, pertaining to the four dreaded Ds—Displacement, Destruction, Destitution and Death—are through the baton and barrels of the police and paramilitary. Otherwise any people oriented government would have first listened to the just demands of the Adivasis of Lalgarh. The right to dissent against the policies of the State is a constitutionally guaranteed right. And when the people of Lalgarh have protested against the policies of the government which they understood would result in their peril, the political and administrative response of the government of West Bengal was through ruthless military action and a high voltage media blitzkrieg demonising the people of Lalgarh ably supported by the Central Government under Manmohan Singh and home minister Chidambaram.
Anyone who is closely observing West Bengal politics particularly since Singur and Nandigram struggles of the people can recall that Gour Chakravarty stood as a spokesperson of the CPI (Maoist) of West Bengal responding to the challenges thrown by Buddhadeb Battacharjee, the Chief Minister and CPI (M) for an open political debate on issues Maoists differ with the ruling party in the state. But the Chief Minister instead of engaging in a political debate with Gour Chakravarty being the political representative of the CPI (Maoist), put him behind the bars. Therefore, the basis for the arrest of Gour Chakravarty is intensely political. This shows that the Chief Minister and his ruling party did not want to answer questions raised by the Maoist spokesperson regarding the people’s issues entailing Singur, Nandigram and now Lalgarh. Instead they resorted to the brutal suppression of the voices of the people using military might and draconian laws like the newly promulgated CLAA by the central government. Ironically, while Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee was busy banning the CPI(Maoist) his own party was opposing the same as he went about the same law to arrest, incarcerate, and silence the incessant and flowing voice of Gour Chakravarty.
Gour Chakravarty as the spokesperson of the CPI (Maoist) had upheld the right to dissent of the Adivasis of Lalgarh against the World Bank, imperialist backed up anti-people policies of the West Bengal government. Further he had openly exhorted the people that merely fighting against the West Bengal government would not suffice as he was convinced that the fundamental problem was related to the exploitative, predatory class character of the Indian State. This conviction had made him exhort the people to do away with this parasitic apparatus of the Indian state.
Though the Constitution of India calls itself a democracy with the right to freedom of expression and association, the governments of West Bengal and the one at the centre would dread such a scenario where the people have the courage and conviction to stand against the policies of the government.
Gour Chakravarty had tried to measure the possibilities of the human face that the Congress government at the centre and the CPI (M) government in West Bengal were pretending to project before the people. He was only trying to push the limits of stability that these governments were promising the people before and after the parliamentary elections. His crime—he insisted that there cannot be any stability without the just interests of the toiling masses being served. Without putting an end to all forms of exploitation; humiliation; mistreatment; discrimination. All these ideals of Gour Chakravarty have become a ‘law and order’ question for the CPM-led government in West Bengal.
This also brings to the fore that the CPM-led government despite all its pretensions is no less different from a Congress or BJP government while addressing the burning issues of the common masses. To address sincerely the issues that are dear to the masses of the people one need to have the political will to openly defy the policies of the World Bank and imperialism.
Gour Chakravarty being the spokesperson of the West Bengal CPI (Maoist) has challenged the CPM-led government to be one of, by and for the Will of the masses of the people. He is the conscience of the toiling masses. He cannot be behind the bars. We demand his unconditional release.

27.06.09

Solidarity Message from the Communist Party of Greece (Marxist-Leninist) to the Communist Party of India (Maoist

STOP THE IMPENDING MASSACRE IN WEST BENGAL!

The Communist Party of Greece (marxist-leninist) strongly denounces the mass criminal offensive conducted by the security forces and the paramilitary gangs ordered by the West Bengal government against the fighting peasants and adivasis in Lalgarh, West Midnapor. The administration in Kolkata, in collaboration with the federal state and police forces have surrounded villages and rural areas, exercising brutal violence and have launched a huge tide of state terror along with prohibiting journalists, NGOs, and fact finding committees to visit Lalgarh aiming to wear down the resistance of poor peasants and adivasis in order to implement the land-grabbing policy of their lands by the multinational corporations. They have the impertinence to characterize as terrorists the revolutionaries, who under the leadership of the Communist Party of India (Maoist), fight in the forefront of this just struggle against the fierce capitalist assault of the Kalkota and New Delhi governments.
The Communist Party of Greece (marxist-leninist) strongly denounces the decision of the New Delhi and Kalkota government to ban the Communist Party of India (Maoist), terming it a terrorist organization.
The Communist Party of Greece (marxist-leninist) calls all the progressive people across the world to express their solidarity to the just struggle of poor peasants and adivasis in West Bengal and demand to stop the military assault that has been launched in the most brutal way.

Communist Party of Greece (marxist-leninist)
International Bureau
Athens 24/6/2009