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An Inside Look at Maoist Strategy in India

Posted by ajadhind on November 25, 2008

This is an interview with G.N. Saibaba, the Deputy Secretary of the Revolutionary Democratic Front (RDF), an All Indian Federation of Revolutionary People’s Organisations. He is 40 years old and was born in Andhra Pradesh, a state in southern India. The new Norwegian party Rødt [Red!] conducted this interview.

Posted on the web site of  http://southasiarev .wordpress. com/

Red!: If someone said to you that the Maoist movement in India is a marginal movement that is mainly operating in very backward, lowly populated areas, and it has been doing so for over thirty-five years without getting anywhere, what would be your answer?

Saibaba: The Maoist movement in India is not confined to the backward areas. It’s a vast movement, and includes the “developed” areas. Maoists work both in the countryside and the cities. The government says that the Maoists are active in 15 out of 28 states. And these include the major states. The Union Home Ministry says that 167 districts out total 600 districts in the country are covered by Maoists. This is a little less than 1/3 of India.

The Maoists in India follow the New Democratic Revolutionary method proved successful in China under the leadership of Mao. This method follows that the revolutionary movement must put priority on working in the areas where the state is weak. The Maoists work in the backward regions to smash the local reactionaries’ power and establish people’s power. They build revolutionary mass bases in these backward areas. This doesn’t mean that they don’t also work in the cities. In fact, in the Congress of the CPI (Maoist) held in January/February 2007, they decided to increase their work in the urban areas. They have produced a new document concerning work in the urban areas that analyses the work done in the last thirty years. This document sets out a strategy for developing the work in the urban areas.

The backward regions in the country are essentially semi-feudal and there is not much capitalistic development. The Maoist Party selected these areas for guerrilla warfare. The armed struggle is considered as the main form of struggle. In order to develop the main form of struggle the Maoists concentrate their work in the backward areas. The struggle in urban areas is secondary and complimentary. The work of the party among the working class in the urban areas helps develop proletarian leadership for the struggle in the backward areas.

At the same time the Maoists participate in developing a huge movement in the urban areas among the intelligentsia, students, women and the middle classes. Maoist cadres and leaders who have been working in the urban areas also are arrested, harassed and killed.

Maoists also work among the coal miners in a big way. There are vast coal mines in many regions in India. You can see, the Maoists work in many industrial areas all over the country, though their concentration of work proceeds from the rural areas.

In fact the CPI (Maoist) leads the single largest mass movement in India. The Central and local governments’ response is an indicator to the vastness of the movement. The Central Government has formed a Coordination Centre together with 14 state governments. They are cooperating to mobilise security forces and to gather intelligence about the movements of the Maoists. They have armed a huge military network. They have monthly meetings of this Centre. A large number of military forces are engaged against the Maoist movement. This also indicates the strength of the Maoist movement.

The Naxalbari uprising in 1967 that beckoned in the new revolutionary wave ended with splits into many groups. The splitting up of revolutionary communist forces lasted from 1972 to 1997. It is only after 1997 that the revolutionary communists started uniting. Two major parties who were waging armed struggle united in 1998 and the final unity took place in 2004 when the CPI (Maoist) was formed with the merger of MCCI and CPI (People’s War). Because of the splits the movement couldn’t grow faster before 2004.

(See notes for more on these trends)

Red!: How do the Maoists respond to accusations of being dogmatists, and not being willing to learn from the defeats of socialism in the 20th century?

Saibaba: The Maoists are creatively and in a genuine way implementing the Marxist principles to the concrete conditions of India. They don’t blindly copy from China or Russia. At the same time they are aware that the socialist projects in China and Russia were defeated by the capitalist roaders. They apply Marxism-Leninism- Maoism in a practical way for India. If one calls carrying armed struggle dogmatism, then one is moving away from class struggle in an impoverished country like India. Armed peasant struggle is the basic struggle, because 70% of the masses have been forced to remain with and depend on agriculture and backward relations of production. In such a situation where a vast majority don’t have a public democratic space, they will not be able to fight the fascistic ruling classes without arms. But armed struggle is also being waged creatively and practically. Armed struggle doesn’t mean the annihilation of the class enemy. Armed struggle is a form of class struggle where the oppressed classes assert their power and organise themselves by taking away power from the feudal and pro-imperialist comprador capitalists.

Armed struggle under the leadership of Maoists also means re-appropriation of the sources of livelihood by the wretched of the earth from the dominant and powerful classes. It also means building alternative institutions the people’s power. So in this way the armed struggle is redefined and practiced with Bolshevik spirit of giving all power to the soviets. Without armed struggle no resistance can be built in countries like India and the resistance that has been built up in the previous years cannot be retained. The armed actions against the state forces and feudal forces are carried out to protect the movement and in self-defence and self-assertion of the exploited classes.

The Maoists believe that the demise of socialist construction in Russia and China was mainly due to the revisionist line that developed within the respective Communist Parties of those countries. The capitalist-roaders in Russia and China captured power back from the working class because those parties could not guard against the infiltration of the bourgeoisie into the proletarian parties. The failure of the socialist projects have taught important lessons to the international proletariat in carrying forward the class struggle against the bourgeoisie in various countries and the monopoly bourgeoisie at the international level. In no country in the world has class struggle succeeded without armed struggle.

Red!: How many soldiers do the Maoists have approximately?

Saibaba: The Indian Government says 28,000, but the number may be much higher. The areas of their influence look much wider than what the Government estimations indicate. Also there is a vast people’s militia working at the village level. The militia is basic and primary in relation to the People’s Liberation Army as per the strategy of the CPI (Maoist).

Red!: Have there been any peace talks between the Maoists and the authorities anywhere?

Saibaba: There were peace talks in 2004. The Government of Andhra Pradesh invited the Maoists for peace negotiations. The Maoist Party always maintains that they are never averse to political negotiations with their opponents on the issues of people’s struggles, but no negotiations are possible on their central political line in terms of strategy. One round of peace talks were conducted in Hyderabad for about a month. This was facilitated and supported by the prominent intellectuals of the region. The Maoists said in the negotiations that if the government was willing to solve the problems of the people for which they had been fighting in the last thirty five years, they would welcome the change. They discussed the basic problems of the people. A ceasefire agreement was signed by both sides before the political negotiations began. The government said that they wanted to close the first phase of the negotiations and also said that it would implement the agreed upon points. And the Maoist leaders who negotiated went back underground. They waited for the implementation of the agreed points. The Government violated the ceasefire, started hostilities on the Maoists and killed several hundred Maoists, including leading cadres. This process revealed before the eyes the people how the reactionary rulers are not ready to solve the problems of the people.

Red! : Do the Maoists have any base areas?

Saibaba: The People’s War has not reached to the level of base areas yet. But it has almost reached this level in several places. In these areas where base areas are under construction, people’s governments at local level are functioning. The People’s governments are functioning in several hundred villages.

Red!: There is news that the Central and State Governments launched attacks against the Maoist positions in Andhra Pradesh, and that they have been driven out of most of the areas. Doesn’t this show that when the ruling classes want to, they can defeat the Maoists militarily, and that it is only a question of tactics from the enemy’s part, when it decides to smash the Maoists?

Saibaba: In the last decade more than two thousand Maoist cadres have been brutally murdered in Andhra Pradesh. There was a concentrated attack particularly after the peace negotiations. When the Maoists saw that they were facing larger losses of forces, they retreated from certain areas, and deployed them in other areas. There is a temporary setback in some areas in Andhra Pradesh for the Maoist movement, but they are trying to revive these areas. The Central and State governments use vigilante groups in a huge way to infiltrate the Maoist areas and smash them. The vigilante groups worked more effectively for the governments in breaking the Maoist resistance in some areas of Andhra Pradesh.

The movement is not merely a military movement. It is a political movement involving the masses. So the Maoists are not facing and confronting the Indian military forces just militarily but more politically so they have a vast mass base. It is not possible for the government to smash the movement because of massive popular support. The temporary setbacks are not uncommon in revolutionary movements. But the mature revolutionary movements could recover from such setbacks quickly from time to time.

Red!: Are there any revolutionary forces that are trying another strategy than protracted people’s war in India?

Saibaba: Yes, for example CPI (ML) New Democracy and a few other CPI (ML) groups. Ahead of the Lok Sabha elections (elections to the Union legislature i.e. the Parliament) in 2004, CPI(ML) Red Flag and a few other CPI (ML) groups took the initiative to form a united front of revolutionary communists basically to fight elections.

The Maoists consider them to be the right deviationists but not revisionist. They are progressive, but not on the right revolutionary path as per the Maoists. But Maoists are not averse to work with them in mass work.

Red!: India is a big country. In some areas there are civil wars, in other areas there is not much unrest. At the same time most parties are regional, not national. Are there revolutionary organisations in all the states of India?

Saibaba: The unrest is everywhere. Take for example Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan. These two areas are poverty-stricken areas. But there is not a single revolutionary party exists in these regions. The unrest takes place in these regions many shapes. Sometimes mass militant movements arise. But the major problem is that the revolutionary subjective forces are not working there. These are two large states, but there is no history of revolutionary communist parties in these areas, mostly NGOs work in these areas. They are often foreign funded. But the objective situation is very much ripe for armed struggle in these areas as well. It is simply the question of spread of revolutionary forces to these regions that is awaited.

Red!: What is the percentage of people living in the cities? How many of these have employment?

Saibaba:30 percent of Indian population live in urban and semi-urban areas and 70 percent in the countryside. Overall, about 77% of the people live on less than 20 rupees a day–i.e. half a US dollar a day on an average. Unemployment is rampant in every part of India.

Red!: Officially India is growing at a GDP growth-rate of almost 10%. You contest this figure. Why?

Saibaba: At the moment the growth rate is around 9% as per the Government’s declaration. Only 0.5% percent of the workforce, which is engaged in the service-sector, is contributing 55% to the GDP. And 70% of the workforce, which is in the rural agriculture sector, is contributing with only 19% to the GDP. And 3% of the work force is engaged in the manufacturing sector. These figures from the government tell us that the vast majority of the people’s share in the GDP is very minute. Right now the growth rate figures are based to a large degree on speculative capital, which includes foreign investment. So the growth rate is both illusive and fragile. The calculations for the growth rate are also based on falsehoods. If these figures indicate anything, we understand that the top 10% is amassing the wealth with crudest exploitative methods.

Red!: In the Philippines there is a combination of People’s War and at the same time the party supports people’s parties that stand for elections, in Nepal the Maoists stood for elections to parliament in 1993, then they boycotted the elections and started a people’s war, and now they are in parliament. Isn’t it possible to combine people’s war and parliamentary work in such a vast and diverse country as India?

Saibaba: The history of the development of the Communist Movement in India in the last 40 years shows us that those Communist Revolutionary Parties that did not choose the strategy of People’s War, but chose the theory of people’s resistance first, before the initiation of People’s War or that chose to combine people’s resistance and parliamentary politics, gradually slipped into either right deviationist or neo-revisionist path.

People’s War is the main strategy, whereas standing for elections of the Parliament is a tactical question. The Maoists are not in principle against the elections, but doing this must facilitate the strategy of People’s War. The Maoists consider the question of participation in Parliamentary elections as part of the tactics which has a strategic importance. So they don’t see any immediate possibility of participating in elections. The Parliamentary institutions are highly discredited ones among the people in India. In the imagination of people at large, if one is participating in elections one is the enemy of the people who comes to rob them. The Maoists boycott elections and concentrate on building alternative people’s power and people’s institutions. In India the Maoists have no immediate plans of using this tactic.

Red!: Isn’t it possible to develop both legal struggle and underground struggle in the cities and larger urban areas, also including working in the Parliamentary organisations?

Saibaba: The Maoists do work in the urban areas among the working classes and the middle classes. This has secondary importance in relation to the main strategy of the revolutionary line. The primary importance is to develop the armed struggle in the villages among the peasants as the main force, and with the working class ideology in the leadership. This means not just the physical workers but those of the people who acquired the proletarian ideology and without property of their own. Maoists do combine legal and the illegal struggles as far as the struggles create space to operate and basically understand that more and more militant struggles create this space. Whatever there is any democratic space, it’s being used to the maximum extent possible. But the ruling classes don’t allow the use of legal means and different institutions of democracy always. Participating in elections is not the only way to participate in legal and urban spaces. Even boycotting elections is a highly political activity, which is another way of participating politically within the given democratic space that exists in India.

First of all, the Maoists are concentrating on gaining power for the people to build people’s democratic revolutionary institutions. When this is achieved in large areas, they will get more space in the urban centres.

Red!: Is employment growing?

Saibaba: The employment rate is not growing, it is standing still. But the real employment rate has declined very much, for several reasons. The economic surveys tell us that one million small industries were closed in the last few years, and this made a huge loss of jobs. Then land being acquired from the farmers is also responsible for unemployment. The small peasants and landless peasants have lost their jobs in a big way.

Only IT-industry and some service industry are growing. But these are sectors where a miniscule number of people are employed. Employment in manufacture sector is on decline. The government doesn’t show these figures. The independent intelligentsia produce alternative figures on both the growth rate and unemployment. There is a huge controversy about the official figures about employment situation in India. On the whole, there is a decline in the employment growth rate, side by side there is decline in real wages of workers.

Red!: Is India an imperialist country or a semi-feudal, semi colonial country?

Saibaba: India is not an imperialist country. The reason is that India is under the clutches of the imperialist powers. India’s ruling classes exert little amount of power in international politics. To a great extent, it is acting under the dictates of the US imperialists. At the same time India has expansionist designs. Imperialist powers can control other countries, while expansionism is a desire to expand without the ability, to the neighbouring countries and try to exploit them and bully them.

But even these imperialist designs are not according to the wishes of the ruling classes of India, but according to the wishes of the imperialists. India exercises its expansionist desires by becoming an instrument in the hands of the USA at present. The USA is manoeuvring India to get control over the neighbouring smaller countries for an overall control over the geopolitical interests of the USA in South Asia. Examples are Sri Lanka and Nepal. India is being used to suppress the LTTE’s just struggle for Tamil national liberation in Sri Lanka. The relationship between the USA and India can be compared with the hegemony of Israel in the Middle East. Now the US wants to use India to suppress the Maoist movement in Nepal though at present clandestinely. India has occupied Kashmir and North-Eastern national territories like Naga and others peoples by brute military force.

Red!: Is the class struggle in India more intense now than 20 years ago?

Saibaba: The poverty levels in India have increased. In 1947 there were no suicide deaths of farmers. From 1990s onwards the suicide deaths of farmers have started in a big way. Why did they start in the 1990s? It’s because agriculture, which employs the largest section of the population has been neglected drastically. The poor peasantry is not able survive in this sector largely depending on the highly exploitative private credit system. About 150 000 farmers committed suicide in the last ten years. There are hunger deaths in many areas. People are eating wild roots and leaves in vast areas of deliberately underdeveloped areas. In fact we can see that we have several areas at the same level as the sub-Saharan African countries in India today. All this is happening particularly after the aggressive pro-imperialist globalisation started at a large-scale in India.

The working class is the most beleaguered class in our country. They have lost their rights. The fresh sections of workers emerging from the peasantry classes cannot join the labour aristocratic class. The organised sector very small compared to the unorganised sector, where collective agreements and labour laws are followed to an extent is fast diminishing.

But also ordinary people are more conscious of the already existing struggles in other areas. The class contradictions are sharpened because the resources are going into the hands of fewer and fewer after the globalisation process started around 1990. This process amasses of wealth in a very few hands.

Some welfare reforms introduced by the ruling classes in the decades of sixties and seventies were dropped and the government is leaving everything to the market that is led by the imperialist forces directly allied by the subservient domestic capitalists. This also increases the intensity of the struggles.

Red!: Since the beginning of the 1990s the ruling classes in India have pursued a neo- liberalistic policy of deregulation and privatisation and globalisation. How do these changes effect the situation for women?

Saibaba: There is nothing liberal about the neoliberal policies. These policies have been implanted since the time of Nehru in India. The so-called Nehru socialism is full of pro- imperialist globalisation policies. But then of course there is a marked difference between the earlier phase and the phase started since the 1990s. The difference is that globalisation is the aggressive phase of imperialist onslaught. Globalisation is the globalisation of aggressive monopoly capital in the absence of socialist block in the world, and also because of imperialism’ s own in depth crisis. More and more, the burden of this crisis is being shifted on to the shoulders of the third world countries. As a result of the extreme exploitative conditions under the process of globalisation, the first section of the people who are facing severe difficulties are the Adivasis, the landless and poor peasants, the workers, the religious minorities particularly the Muslims an overwhelming majority of whom are among the country’s poorest and in all these sections and classes the women are affected first of all.

Women are of course affected hardest. When workers are retrenched the women go first. Second, in the dwindling conditions of employment, women don’t get new jobs as the job market is rabidly patriarchal. The extreme patriarchal oppression that exists in India is a result of both deviant capitalism and semi-feudalism. Women are forced to look after the families, particularly the children, when sources of livelihood decline. As a result, women eat less now, feed their children and look after their households. Today, there is more malnutrition among women, working in hard conditions both at home and outside. They get lower wages than men. Though equal wages is the law in the country, nobody follows it.

The sex ratio in the country is fast becoming a gulf, with the actual number of women decreasing in compared the numbers of men. Female foeticide is a growing phenomenon. Hundreds of cases of female foeticide are recorded in the hospitals. So now women are the biggest section joining the struggles, standing at the forefront and joining all struggles. More than 30 percent of the members in the Maoist party are women. Even the biggest bourgeois party in the country will not have such number of women. In some areas like Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand the percentage is higher.

Red!: You say that displacement is the major issue in India. That there are six different kinds of displacement: Special Economic Zones, mining, new industry, new big dams, beautification of urban spaces and infrastructural corridor projects and others. You say that the forced displacement is based on expropriating approximately 12% of the land. Most of this land is also very fertile. Can you explain why displacement is the main issue, and not poverty, unemployment, malnutrition and so on?

Saibaba: 70% of the people depend on land or agriculture directly or indirectly. The major source of employment is agriculture. When land is taken away for these projects the people have no other source of income. So, one of the major ways that people are becoming unemployed is through dispossession of land. This in fact renders both the landed people and landless poor jobless. The rehabilitation packages announced by the government for those who lose land, never work. The rehabilitation is never implemented. So all the problems like malnutrition, poverty, unemployment and so on, are rooted in the process of dispossession of people of their sources of livelihood, by displacing them from their land, forests and other habitats.

Red!: Why can’t the displaced peasants get new jobs in the modern sector?

Saibaba: The displaced are from those sections that are silently forced to remain illiterate. They don’t have the necessary skills for industrial work – – particularly the kind of industry that is being set up with high imperialist technology. On the other hand, even if a small section is eligible for industrial work, they don’t get jobs because the industries being set up are technology-intensiv e and they don’t employ many people. The machines are brought from the imperialist countries. These machines require highly skilled labour. So there is no space for the disposed to get jobs in the industrial sector that is supposed to be growing. Then there is a small possibility of employment in the IT-sector or services sector, but not the manufacturing industry. In the urban areas there is already a huge section of educated unemployed, who will get a small number of jobs in these industries, but not the rural displaced.

Red!: What do the Maoists in India consider to be the main lessons to be learnt from the defeat of socialism in the last century, when it comes to the question of the relationship between the communist party and the rest of society?

Saibaba: The Indian Maoists feel that what happened in Russia and China still has to be analysed further. They think that in future the international Communist Revolutionaries have to come together and study the failures more concretely. One of the reasons for the failure of the socialist construction projects could be that the parties had not been able to devise mechanisms to check the infiltration of the bourgeoisie into the Communist Parties. But of course in China the Cultural Revolution under the leadership of Mao was developed to check the infiltration of the bourgeoisie into the Communist Parties. But it remained at an experimental level at that time after the death of Mao. More and more devices, political and ideological have to be developed within the revolutionary Communist Parties to check the extraneous class ideologies from creeping into the Communist Parties. Each of the countries of the world today needs to establish firm proletarian parties.

Unfortunately in many of the European countries as well as in some of the third world countries today, extraneous class ideologies have been creeping in, in the name of “21st century democracy,” “liberal organising principles” and acceptance of a “multiparty system.” Even within the policies of the Communist Parties, the need today is to drive them towards Bolshevisation, Leninist Parties which can lead the proletariat to victories in the process of which lessons can be drawn from the earlier failures which should be understood as temporary setback for the world proletariat in the long historical onward march.

Red!: What is the root-cause for differences among the Communist forces in India?

Saibaba: Within India the differences among the Communist Revolutionaries are not simply differences among their leadership. They reflect the different class bases of these parties, the nature of their petty-bourgeois leadership, their attempts to take their parties into non-proletarian class ideologies by leading mostly legalistic struggles. The sharp class struggles simply cannot depend on legalistic means of struggles and survive in the face of the highly fascistic reactionary classes. In India, some such parties have made their bases among the rich and middle peasantry which mostly has petty-bourgeois and liberal attitudes by which they try to protect their legal space. Some others have built a party simply with urban petty-bourgeois sections. Others who have been building parties with the propertyless poor and landless peasantry including Adivasis and working class are able to go ahead in developing formidable class struggle.

So the differences are based on concrete physical conditions in the classes they root in their struggles. There is a need today for the coming together of all these small sections of such Communist Parties to ally with the Maoists, but unity is only possible if they change their orientation towards genuine proletarian line and base their work among the working class, the poor and the landless peasantry.

Red!: Are there any lessons to be learnt on the question of women’s’ liberation from the defeat of socialism?

Saibaba: If we look at the present situation of the emancipation of women, the patriarchal structures are to be studied in depth by the practicing Marxists in the movements. Now in India more and more concentration is paid on the patriarchal structures from the women cadres of the Maoist Party. One is the institution of reproduction itself, which is highly discriminating against women. Within the Maoist revolutionary practice this has become a major question along with other specific problems for women. These problems have not been completely grasped. Not enough mechanisms have been found to check the discrimination of women within the revolutionary process. One major thing is that women continue to be under patriarchal structures just because they are women. So the new revolution must pay attention to the specificities of this special oppression. The second important point is that complete emancipation of women is not possible within the capitalist system.

But we should also be aware of the fact that if the proletariat takes over power the patriarchal structures would not automatically disappear. This is a major problem. One must have specific attention to the institutions and structures that remain. Women have to fight a revolution within the revolution. In India there will be many more revolutions within the revolution as we have a peculiar oppressive form called caste. One example we have before us for the revolution within revolution is the Great Proletariat Cultural Revolution (GPCR) in China under the leadership of Mao. But India has to tread a more torturous path. Mao called for a thousand revolutions to completely root out the bourgeois ideology. I understand all such attempts of revolution within the revolution are complimentary and patriarchy and caste system or say, racism has to be looked at from this angle. A quick and simple solution is not possible. A revolutionary has to be patient.

But this doesn’t mean these revolutions should wait till the proletariat captures power. In India we think that Cultural Revolution has to start now even before the success of the New Democratic Revolution. But such an attempt taken unmindfully will degenerate into a Post-modernist ruse, like most liberal humanist projects relapse into Post-structuralist obscurantism. This task is possible only in the hands of a firm proletariat Party after it acquires confidence of the revolutionary masses in a country. Otherwise, such attempts will end up in mere anarchism.

The women have their own structures and organisations within the CPI (Maoist). They have their own conferences and committees. They are part of the general conferences and have separate meetings in connection with these.

The rule is that if a woman and a man are equally competent then a woman is given priority in leading any particular revolutionary committee. There is also special education for women so that they develop faster, special camps and special trainings are devised. In the Maoist Party most women that are party members do not have children on their own choice, but if particular women want to have, she can have a child and the party will help her. The period her child-bearing not be discriminated against. There are well developed policies about these questions in the Maoist Party of India.

Red!: Is there are revolutionary situation in India today? What about the rest of the world?

Saibaba: There is an extremely favourable revolutionary situation in India and also in all the “third world” countries. In each of these countries, the domestic crisis is growing while international crisis is also growing. The “third world” countries need not wait for any third world war to accomplish their revolutions. There may not be a Third World War in the classical sense, even though Bush promises one. The conditions of war exist in different ways.

The world is already in a type of war, but its shape is different now. For example, the US is fighting a military war against the people of Iraq and an economic war on the people of India, and both varieties of wars kill the people in the same magnitude. So why does the US need to declare war on India when the Indian ruling classes are willing to facilitate everything for the imperialists? The growing contradictions among the imperialist forces can quickly change from collusion to conflicts. The background is already prepared and the revolutionary situation is already ripe. It is the subjective forces of the communists that have to take advantage of the situation and strengthen their forces.

The ruling class hegemony will be crushed in no time if the imperialists don’t come to their rescue in each of these countries when the revolutionary masses organise themselves. Similarly, a break in the imperialist chain anywhere will catch like wildfire and the irreversible collapses of the imperialist/ monopoly bourgeois rule in the West will follow the suit. The proletarian parties in Europe and other parts of the West should prepare the ground before for this impending and indispensable eventuality soon.

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One Response to “An Inside Look at Maoist Strategy in India”

  1. I thought it would be useful if I posted my past evaluation of the C.P.I(Maoist)below.

    10CDeviations in Line of C.P.I.(Maoist).

    a.Defective agrarian revolutionary and military line
    The most arguable and debatable issue is whether the armed squad actions of the C.P.I.(Maoist) are enhancing the broad revolutionary movement, particularly in Bihar,Andhra Pradesh and Dandkaranya.To me in the anti-landlord struggle still they very often implement the line of “Individual annihilation of the class enemy. However what is noteworthy is that the armed struggle led by them is still at the stage of building guerilla Zones and has not established revolutionary base areas like what the Chinese Communist Party had built in the 1936 period in China. True they have heroically defended their territories but have not been able to consolidate their gueriila Zones into base areas nor are they in the processs of doing so.They are unable to replenish their lost forces sufficiently and their self –defence in their areas.remains more on their guerilla squads than the broad masses.The most debatable aspect is whether actual conditions exist to launch armed struggle in India today particularly in Andhra Pradesh and Bihar.To some extent the mass line was implemented by mass fronts like the Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Samiti, Bharat Naujavan Sabha,Revolutionary Students League(Bihar) and the Rytu Coolie Sangham and the Radical students Union(Andhra Pradesh

    The Srikakulam Girijan Sangham was formed in 1958 under the leadership of the Communist Party.The Girijans are an opressed tribal community in Andhra Pradesh and under the leadership of the Communist Party of India formed their democratic mass organisation. In the late 60`s as a result of Charu Mazumdar`s left deviationist line the organisation was virtually disbanded.There was a major mass peasant revolutionary Struggle in Srikakulam which remains in the history books of the Communist movement.However though the People`s War Group rectified the Charu Mazumdar line to some extent by forming mass organisations like the Rytu Coolie Sangham and the Radical Students Union, they continued with their line of” annihilation of class enemies.”In the early 80`s the Srikakulam Girijan Sangham was re-organised and very often when mass agitations were launched the People`s War Group remained aloof.(Unintentionally) One example was the agitation for opposing the scrapping on Land Regulation Act Regulation1 of 19 70 which ensured land rights for the Girijans who had been discriminated by other classes of peasants.The non-tribal peasants continuously seized their lands and forced the Girijans to become coolies or bonded labourers.In fact in 1992 The People`s War Group carried out an action against a class enemy which the Srikakulam Girijan Sangham judged to be against the interests of the Revolutionary movement. A handbill was distributed that such actions were like killing the Mosquito but not dealing with the breeding pit.
    Several Group Clashes occurred between the People`s War Group and other groups like the Ramchandran Group.New Democracy Group etc where the masses were reduced to helpless spectators.Armed Squads combated members from other groups struggling to maintain their bases!This was an incorrect approach to the question of mass line and politicalStruggle.One Group always feared the entry of another group in their area of work.Thus the Communist Revolutionary Groups behaved antagonistically with one another.In fact the State benefited from this .This started from the 1098’s but was very prominent in the early 1990’s.The Peoples War Group mantained that cadres from other groups were killed on entirely tactical grounds and they were not clashes in hir statements and documents.
    Below I am quoting 2 articles.One from revolutionary Journal’The Comrade’, the other from an article bu Chakrapani in Frontier.
    ’At the conclusion of the decade of the 1990’s 3 important leaders of the People’s war Group were slain in a police encounter. A massive anti-repression programme took place in Andhra Pradesh in December 1999.Such Comrades were truly the best sons of the land heroically laying down their lives for liberation.Various communist Revolutionary Groups belonging to various groups participated.The People`s War Group launched retaliatory Actions to give a severe blow to the Indian State.After the armed Actions the People`s War Group made a self-critical assesment stating”Even when there were ample opportunities to educate and involve the People,our cadres only resorted to protest actions.These are incorrect actions.Because of non-participation of people in such actions,the outcome of such actions, is contrary to the impact we wanted”Thus this group was not aware that such armed actions of Party Guerilla Squads,by themselves cannot succeed in their basis and ultimate objective of defeating the reactionary State.Infact the people have to own such actions and voluntarily participate in them with revolutionary political Consciousness and confidence in their own organised strength.Even in the post encounter Joint Protests the leading rank of the People`s War Group remained pre-occupiedwith either the representative team protests or armed retaliatory actions.-thus their organized attempts for militant mass attempts for militant mass political mobilisations remained Sparse.One cannot deny the People`s War Group for their bravery and tenacity in standing upto the tyranny of the Stae and retaliating against it but without a correct approach towards mass armed Struggle the Revolutionary movement will not build up properly.’(From the Comrade)

    Why are the vast masses of people in the areas under the influence or control of Peoples war remain laregely as spectators or silent sympathizers? Why they find themselves helpless when confronted with the heavy arm of the state?Thousands of acres of land remain fallow for years even in areas where the land was said to have been re-distributed and the landlords were chased from the villages.Why?
    Many action s by the armed formation sof the Peoples war where they sought to dictate terms on the strength of weapon are dubious-assasinated individuals indiscriminately,mined the fields,blew up buildings and installations Etcthe way they carried out the election boycott line and verdicts of the Peoples Courts and the way they sought to assert and establish the revolutionary Supremacy over other organizations invited wide criticism,condemnation and even protest among the people,democratic and Progressive Circles.The Peoples war leadership ,belatedly expressed it’s regret at some of them,but continued in some form ,or the other,the same practice even later.The Peoples War leadership without taking account of the level and nature of the movement with regards to the state of class Struggle and agrarian revolutionary Movement in their areas of Struggle.Their military formations and operations are not in relation to the level of class struggle and Agrarian Revolutionary Movement.Their types of activities and actions that their formations carry out do not take into account the people’s Consciousness and preparedness,organization and participation in the struggle to a higher level .Some of their armed actions dampen and even negate the People’s mass struggles. In reality the Peoples war Group although the Strongest revolutionary force in the Country suffers from sectarianism,militarism and anarchism. It has a big brother approach to other revolutionary organizations. Only when in dire need do they form united Fronts with other revolutionary Groups, resorting to mass mobilizations on general issues. Their indiscriminate armed actions, assassination of Individuals and destruction of properties by thev armed bands may pose some trouble and loss, but they cannot pose a grave danger to the system as such.The Peoples war leadership claim to have vast areas under the leadership of their guerrilla Zones or areas of Influence.Theya lso declare that they have formed their own Peoples Guerilla Army.Howevever although they have a semblance to Mao’s line in reality they still have not developed the correct practice pf Maoist Protracted Peoples Military Warfare.(From Frontier article by Chakrapani in February2002)

    Those articles depict that The party has carried out several armed actions. However they have not all received mass support and often substituted the people’s role Although the C.P.I.Maoist cadre in Bihar and Andhra have made heroic sacrifices their armed actions although with most sincere intentions do not build up a protracted People’s War as propounded by Comrade Mao. There are powerful tendencies of individual heroism .To carry out armed Struggle the Party of the proletariat has to establish it’s leadership over the revolutionary movement as well as having set up organs of parallel political power. Today the level of political consciousness and preparedness is inadequate in Bihar.The people are not sufficiently educated in the politics of seizure of power. Although it is a principal task to set up liberated areas the present co-relation of forces is inadequate to set them up.People have to be trained to organise their own self-defence.Without the above mentioned conditions Armed actions would substitute the role the people need to play.Still, the author of this article has he greatest respect for some of he military actions carried out in Bihar. In recent times in retaliation against the police. True the armed squads have erred when it ahs come to implementing the mass line in the anti-landlord struggles and their have been indiscriminate actions ..They propogate active boycott of parliamentary elections. The boycott slogan is meaningless until the people have set up alternative organs of people’s revolutionary power.Without the scope of direct revolutionary mass action and setting up of parralel organs of people’s revolutionary power is thus an irresponsible left sectarian orientation.In today’s situation the only suitable tactic is to launch an active political campaign and help people build alternative organs of revolutionary power.(Participation of elections today would lead to capitulationism as the proletarian party lacks sufficient mass political influence. Although one cannot deny the sincerity of the armed squads,the armed actions have to be based on the strength of the people’s movements as advocated by Mao.Armed stuggle is totally necessary to fight the revisionist line but has to be carried out at the appropriate time.Only when alternate organ’s of people’s power have been founded can the tactic of ‘active boycott of parliamentary elections’ be used effectively.Political education of the people has to take place.The C.P.I(Maoist) has built up powerful peasant movements in Andhra and Dandkarnaya .They have to be give n credit for this. However the left adventurism trends have to be fought against to develop the revolutionary movement.The experience of the Chinese Communist party in re-organising after the Chingkanshan movement and starting armed Struggle has to be studied in this regard.Mao`s struggle against the left deviationist LI-Li San line and the rightist Chang Kuo-Ta line was significant .Ultimately Mao`s mass line was supported in the 1935 Tsunyi conference.All the armed actions of the Red Army were based on the people.The success of the Long March testified this Their boycott call is often meaningless as in certain areas of Andhra Pradesh and Bihar they have supported candidates of opportunist parties like the Bahujan Samaj.To defeat Enemy forces they have sometimes called for supporting opposition candidates which shows the inconsistency of properly implementing the tactic of Active boycott of parliamentary Elections.We must study the experience oh how Comrade Mao led the Chinese Communist Party on forming liberated areas.The Chingkanshan Experience has to be studied as well as the methods adopted in the strategic defensive military era ,strategic equilibrium and the Strategic offensive.The Red Army was founded on the basis of a mass agrarian revolutionary peasant movement and it’s formation was based on the people’s movements .It was the equivalent of making a solid foundation and building a pyramid or the relationship of a wheel with an axle.Today the organization claims to have developed guerilla Zones and base areas. . True the C.P.I.Maoist has mass support in major areas in Bihar, Andhra and Dandakaranya , has base areas in some respects similar to those of the Chinese Revolutionary period during their armed struggle and have carried out magnificient retaliatory actions in self defence against enemies-the only revolutionary Organization to have seriously attempted protracted Peoples Warfare in recent times.e(reminding one of armed action sin Nepal,Peru and Phillipines) In actual fact in Andhra Pradesh,Dandkaranya and Bihar there are pockets of revolutionary resistance dictated by armed..In none of their base areas have they distributed even half the amount of land distributed in the Telengana Armed struggle or anywhere near what the Chinese Red Army did in the Agrarian revolutionary war.Their Armed squads, even if they partially integrate with mass movements often are used to give shelter to mass organizations and replace peoples independent actions. The armed actions on police stations, whatever the sincerity of the squad members often replace the mass movements, rather than supplement them.They are losing more and more cadre day by day and are unable to consistently replace the fighting forces lost. It is also significant that as a consequence of their squad actions it is not only the cadre of the organization that is attacked by the State but also ordinary sympathizers and civilians.In West Bengal, retaliatory actions took place just 2 months ago in retaliation of tortire and killing of mass sympathizers and cadres,l ike the blowing up of a police jeep. However such actions have no relationship with the actual mass peoples Movement and the it cost the lives of innocent people.In revolutionary struggle ethics is an important question and revolutionary violence does not justify the killing of innocent people.Were not the policemen beloging to the middle peasant class and were they criminals? An Innocent mid-day meal cook was beaten to death by a police informer in Karimnagar. What oif she was actually innocent .Her family members were beaten up when thy offered resistance!The C.P.I.(Maoist)have eliminated may people suspected of being police informers who could have been innocent on grounds of their safety.In the authors view this is violation of revolutionary ethics.
    Mass Organisations like the Andhra Pradesh Radical Students Union or the Rythu Coolie Sangham can hardly carry out open activities or agitations, nor can the Mazdur Kisan Sangrami Parishad in Bihar. It must be noted that nowhere in Andhra Pradesh,Dandkaranya or Bihar has any struggle been developed even half as strong as the Telengana One. Quoting the eminent intellectual and critique of Naxalite Movement Sumanta Banerjee (wrote famous book ‘In the wake of Naxalabari’ and isolate them
    ‘It should be pointed out however that despite their survival for almost four decades, the Naxalites do not yet control any large area comparable to the `liberated zone’ that the Chinese Communists could establish in Yenan within a decade or so in the 1930-40 period, or the sizable tract that the Maoists occupy in neighbouring Nepal today. They have not been able to reach out to the masses of the peasantry in the vast countryside of other parts of India, and have expanded only to a few isolated pockets and stretches of areas inhabited mainly by tribal and landless poor. Closeted in their rural underground shelters, the Naxalite leaders have ignored the task of setting up bases among the large number of workers both in the organized industrial and the unorganized sectors. They have also failed to build up a regular army like the Chinese People’s Liberation Army, or the Vietnamese military organization – that helped both the Chinese and the Vietnamese to effectively fight their enemies.
    These shortcomings have both crippled and distorted the character of the Naxalite movement. The failure to establish a `liberated zone’ has frustrated their original strategy of setting up an alternative order to bring about agrarian and social reforms. Instead, all their energies are now devoted to defensive actions to preserve their pockets of influence, and offensive assaults which are degenerating into acts of terrorism against soft targets like village headmen or junior government employees.’ Quoting a 1999 C.P.I.M.L(Peoples War pamphlet)
    In the author’s view the military line cannot be called a practice of Che Gueveraist Foco line or Guevarism,sice it seriously attempts Mao’s theory of Peoples War.However in many aspects of practice their military line diverts from Mao’s concepts.

    Hitorically there is a difference between revolutionary base areas and gueriall zones.Quoting Mao’s writings on military line, “When guerilla Warfare began,the guerillas could not completely occupy the places ,but could only make frequent raids,,they are areas which are held by the guerilla forces when they are presnt and the by the puppet regime when they are gone.Thus they are not guerilla basesbut zones.Thse zones can be converted into bases by consolidating guerilla warfare and after large portions of enemy troops have been annihilated,and the puppet regime destroyed..The mass organsiations alos formed as well as peoles local armed forces.The extent to which the enemy is destroyed is the vital factor.
    “The fundamental conditions for establishing a base aea are that there should be any –enemy armed and thes armed forces should be deployed to inflict defeats on the enemy and arouse the peoleinto action.The esatablishment of a bsae area is first and foremost as a matter of building an armed force.
    The second condition is that the armed forces hould be used in co-ordination with the peole to defeat the enemy.All places under enemy controla rea enemy,and not guerilla,base areas unless the enemy is defeated.Unless enemy attacks are repulsed,even places held under gueriall control will come under the hands of the enemy.
    Thirdly, we must organize an army and mass organizations and mobilize as many democratic forces against the common enemy. The people have to be aroused to consolidate the local organs of power. The original organs of power must be re-organized and consolidated with the support of the brad masses, and where they have been destroyed must be rebuilt.
    Geographical and Economic conditions must be studied. A necessary perquisite is that an area must be extensive.
    Base areas have to be consolidated.Guerilla warfare must be from their base area as widely as possible ,thwarting all enemy strongholds thus threatening the existence of the enemy.
    However the local masses must be organized, guerilla units trained and local armed forces developed. Expansion must be merged with consolidation, depending on the situation.
    Mao advocated the theory of the Strategic Defensive and the strategic offensive. “Within the nation-wide strategic defensive or offensive, small scale strategic offensives or defensives take place in an around every base area. Strategic defensive means the strategic policy when the enemy is on the offensive, while strategic offensive, means our strategic policy when the enemy is on the defensive and we are on the offensive”
    “In The strategic defensive to wipe out the guerillas and their base areas, the enemy often launches converging attacks. The larger the scale of fighting) In the student and youth section although there is a revolutionary movement led by the groups(‘Go to Village Campaigns’, ‘go to factories and Slum Campaigns’)there is still a lot of glorification is given to armed squad heroes and mass agrarian revolutionary politics is not upheld. Peasant organization were formed by both groups but there was still lack of cohesive revolutionary resistance to combat the onslaught of the C.PI.M.revisionist Forces, the more important the position of the base areas, and the greater threat to the enemy’s strategic centers and vital communication lines, the fiercer will be the enemy’s attacks.Therefore,the fiercer the enemy’s attacks on a guerilla area, the greater the indication that the guerilla warfare is successful and is being effectively coordinated..
    “In the Strategic Offensive, we do not attack enemy forces entrenched in defensive positions, and we are not sure of defeating, but systematically to destroy or drive out the small enemy units, which our guerilla forces are strong enough to tackle. Weakly garrisssoned cities can be attacked as well as communication lines which can help expand our areas. The purpose is to take advantage of the enemy which is on the defensive and build up our own military and mass, to reduce the might of the enemy and smash it with another offensive. strength.’
    “In this period the guerilla Zones and units are in high spirits, and the areas destroyed by the enemy are revived. The people in the enemy areas also have a very high morale. The morale is in contrast down in the enemy camp.
    The C.P.I. (Maoist). in implementation of line often confused the difference between forming a guerilla zone and a base area. Today the trend is similar. In their zones they retaliate and defend their areas through their guerilla squad actions and are not able to replenish their losses. They do not have sufficient support of the broad masses. There is insufficient development of mass agrarian revolutionary struggle and revolutionary democratic Peoples Mass Organizations.

    b…Defective approach towards trade Unions
    On the trade Union Front the Peoples War Group has not been able to form democratically functioning trade Unions and often has ended up giving political slogans of revolutionary Armed Struggle not compatible with the political capacity of broad sections of the Working Class.The Working class was not fully explained the link between their interests and the agrarian revolutionary movement but slogans glorifying heroes of Armed squads are raised by the Peoples War Group. There is also lack of revolutionary mass work in the major cities relating the trade Union work to the Agrarian revolutionary Struggle. Left sectarian slogans are taken within their trade Unions which the workers find difficult to relate with their day to day lives. The relationship of the movements in the towns with the major cities is like a bark of a tree with its branches. True in there are Unions like the Signaler coal mine Union in Andhra Pradesh as well as Unions in West Bengal. In major states of Struggle open mass work is virtually impossible and thus there is an ineffective role of revolutionary mass organizations

    c.incorrect approach to Mass Organizations
    True since the 1980’s members of squads of the Peoples War Group made heroic sacrifices literally dipping their blood. A huge peasant movement was led in Andhra Pradesh and at al All India level on the initiative of the organization fronts like the All India Revolutionary Students Federation and the All India league for revolutionary culture (With collaboration of M.C.C and Party Unity Forces) were formed The author remembers the 19980 Rytu Coolie Sang ham Conference in Warangal in Andhra Pradesh where a rally of 4 lakh peasants took place as though a tornado had emerged. However in such fronts Mao Tse Tung thought was imposed as the guiding ideology and a necessary part of the manifesto which acts against the democratic nature of a mass organization. The author remembers going to the 1989 A.I R.S F Conference.(In 1985 the first All ndia Revolutionary Student federation was formed comprising of organizations from Andhra Pradesh, set Bengal, Punjab Etc.Trrue there were 10,000 delegates, a remarkable achievement but how may mass student participants in the country can be mobilized under the banner of Mao Tse Tung Thought? In the ‘Charu era’ it was advocated that mass organizations should be abandoned. The P.W.G later made a rectification in the late 70’s and decided to form mass organizations. There are strong tendencies of forming mass organizations as front organisations.Mass organizations must be given their separate identity. Only when the major section of a mass organization accepts the politics of the revolutionary party can mass organizations function as front organisations.Although such sections have formed mass organizations there are still tendencies of confusing the mass organizations with the Party. Although on the practical plane they lead a powerful mass democratic movement there is still not enough democratization as needed in a mass movement within a mass organisation.Mass organizations ,particularly the peasant front need continuous regularization of committees and activists working within them have to be encouraged in running the mass organizations. Masses must be trained to take part in political decisions and organize programmes on their own initiative.Infact running mass organizations as front organisations is a form of imposing one’s politics on the people.In Bihar today although there is a healthy trend of revolutionary forces coming together there is lack of a democratic cohesive front organising the people against the two-pronged terror of landlord and State terrorism.Such a front is needed where revolutionary groups do not propogate revolutionary polemics but enhance people to organise their own self defence.Even during the 1992 Babri Masjid demolition Communist revolutionaries of Bihar, however sincerely they protested were unable to set up a mass anti-communal front against communalism and thought it was adequate to fight from the platform of sectional revolutionary organisations. revolutionary democratic platform during the Shankhar bigha and Laxmanpur Bathe massacres.In the major struggle areas of Bihar like Jehanabad and Palamau as well as Aurangabad and Gaya open mass activity is impossible.After an Interview with the Democratic Students Union president Amitabh the author learnt that only in Bhagalpur,Chaibasai and Darsingh Serai Regions was open work possible in the student and youth front.Today organizations like the Democratic Students Union,Bharat Naujavan Sabha and Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Parishad can hardly function openly in both Bihar and Jharkhand.(Only perhaps in Bhagalpur In November 2004 a go a call was given for a rally in Patna by the Organisation.However the rally could not take place…In West Bengal mass front’s of the peasants students youth and cultural section fought together for democratic struggles.In the trade Union Front left sectarian understanding prevented the groups from working towards a broad based trade Union movement.However there was a strong tendency to form mass organisations as front organisations and thus impose the party’s views on the mass organisations.In a revolutionary movement the party must function democratically within mass organisations.The political line of the mass organization and party must not be confused.Only at certain stages of a revolutionary movement can mass organisations function as front organisations. This is when mass sections within the mass organisation accept the party’s politics.There were tendencies to impose Mao-Tse-Tung thought in the manifesto of mass organisations.Mass organisations were used as party platforms. Mao always stressed on separating the role of the mass organisations with the Party .He always stressed that The Chinese Communist Party had to be differentiated from the Youth league and the Peasants Associations. The Chinese Red Army placed particular emphasis on democratically working within mass organisations and not imposing politics. In Punjab there is strong left sectarian Understanding in the functioning of the C.P.I.Maoist in the Bharatiya Kisan Union(Landed Farmers Union).The Union was a general democratic fighting organization of the middle and landed peasantry and thus it could not be converted into a revolutionary Peasant Assocciation to become a front organization of the revolutionary Party.The Union could only be a launching pad or a base to create such an organization.There were strong tendencies of revolutionary groups like C.P.I.Maoist(At that time Peoples War and Earlier Party Unity) working within the Bharatiya Kisan Union Ekta of imposing the Party Politics on the mass Organisations.They Introduced Maoist politics not compatible with the Consciousness of the masses.True the Proletarian Politics has to be introduced within a mass organization without which a proletarian revolutionary movement cannot be created but only when the masses have been imbibed with the necessary Political Consciousness.In this light in 1998 the revolutionary Group violated the revolutionary Norms by giving a call to the Punjab peasants to participate in an anti-W.T.O.rally in Delhi.The correct trend within the B.K.U emphasized the need for a revolutionary Democratic movement but made continuous efforts to only raise slogans in accordance to the Consciousness of the members of the Union..The need for instilling the correct revolutionary level of Consciousnesss before introducing the higher level revolutionary Party Politics is the Equivalent of giving Anesthesia to a patient before a heart
    True major rallies have been led containing sympathizers but this is not necessarily mean that the mass line is being carried out.In the 1997 Rally commemorating the 30th Anniversary of the Naxalbari Armed Struggle there was a mobilization of over 10 lakhs but the methods of mobilization resorted to were not consistent in relation to the consciousness of the broad masses.The content of mass agrarian revolutionary line ,building of revolutionary mass organizations and democratic Organisations of peoples power was ineffectively explained.Today the C.P.I Maoist is having negotiations with the Andhra Pradesh Government.Is this the same situation confronted by Comrade Mao in 1937 when he united with Chiang Kai Shek’s Kuomintang forces?This is evidence of the fact that left adventurist politics ultimately is the root of right deviation. It is significant that in 1995 the Maoist Communist Centre pulled out of the All India Peoples Resistance Forum.They claimed that the forum should have given the election boycott slogan, not understanding that it was a wrong to use such type of mass front for that use.The A.I.P.R.F could give solidarity to election boycott campaigns but it was not in their scope to actively propogate boycott of election.Thisshowed M.C.C’s defective understanding on the question of mass organization. In Bihar it did not advocate forming a separate revolutionary peasant organization and only called form forming revolutionary peasant committees.(Unlike the Party Unity which formed the M.K S.S) the Party Unity Group.The manner in which Comrade Mao within a single party fought against Wang Mings’ left deviation as well as the 14 Russian Bolsheviks proposing armed urban insurrection is of great significance.The methods used by the Peruvian Communist Part before they initiated armed struggles as well as the Communist Party of Phillipines would be also a reference point in mass line.This organization also has a big brother approach to other revolutionary organizations.They fail to understand that the development of the unified proletarian party is only in it’s re-building stage and all the groups are only components of the final unified party like many part’s of a machine.6 years ago(by the Erstwhile Peoples War Group) they condemned a revolutionary group the C.P.I.M.L New Democracy Group as a revisionist outfit and unjustly slandered the group ..In Mumbai a similar attitude was displayed in joint front protests against state repression on members of their organization.They have also wrongly replaced the term Maoism with Mao Tse Tung Thought.This is wrong understanding of the present era which is actually the era of Leninism.Even after the Chinese revolution it was called the “thought of Mao Tse Tung” and not ‘Maoism. In Punjab and Maharashtra powerful deviationist tendencies have been exhibited. About 12 years ago in Maharashtra on grounds of opposing foreign funding and collaborating with Non Governmental Organisations majority of members o f the Maharashtra Section were expelled. operation.

    d.Wrong understanding with regards to, Dalit question and nationality question.

    There is also an erroneous understanding with regards to he Dalit or scheduled caste movements. The Organization has not applied a correct class analytical study and often replaced class struggle with Caste Struggle.Dalit Parties which collaborate with Ruling Class politics have been supported like he Dalit Panther and Republican Party of India. The Dalit Mahasabha has been supported in Andhra Pradesh. Even In Bihar in the agrarian revolutionary movement there has been a strong tendency to support Ruling class Dalit Organisations.Killings have taken place often on caste line instead of implementing class struggle.)It is significant that even in earlier periods the OrganisationsThe organization (that time Peoples War Group) supported the 1989 Chinese Student Movement as well as the movements in East European Countries toppling the Revisionist Regimes in Eastern Europe in 1989 ,not taking into account the petit bourgeois nature of the agitations ,virtually devoid of proletarian content. Similarly they have supported nationality struggles devoid of proletarian content like the J.K.L.F.in Kashmir, the U.L.F.A in Assam Etc.True they have correctly defended the right of nationalities to secede but have not analyzed that the nationality struggles are led by petit-bourgeois ideology . They also have not made sufficient study of the Telengana Armed Struggle.

    eDefective approach to other organizations

    The C.P.I.Maoist regards itself as the re-organised Communist Party and that after the merger of C.P.I.M.L (Peoples War Group) with the Maoist Communist Centre the Proletarian party was formed. In 1998 when the Party Unity Group merged with the Peoples War Group they claimed that the original 1969 C.P.I.M.L of Charu Mazumdar was re-organised.It regards several revolutionary groups as revisionist .It hardly unites with groups of other trends in significant political issues.It carried out a slander against the C.P.I.M.L New Democracy Group in Andhra Pradesh.

    The first major Unity to praise was the Unity of the C.P.I.M.L Party Unity and the C.P.I.M.L Peoples War in 1998, which had historic value .It as a most principled Unity where after almost 2 decades of consistent exchange between the 2 organizations merged. It is most principled with regards to Internal and International line and has succeed in promoting the Interests of the Ultimate Unified party It greatly helped the Party Unity Group in Bihar who needed the unity to support the development of the base areas.Avenues for a strong All India Perspective have been launched. Significantly it united the movements of the Northern part of India (Bihar and Bengal) with the Southern part (Andhra Pradesh and Dandkaranya) and was thus historic. This trend was a great combat to regionalism in the revolutionary Movement, particularly as Northern India and Southern India have such diverse culture. After the group clashes in Bihar between the Peoples War Group and the Maoist Communist Centre it is a great achievement that they could merge into the C.P.I.(Maoist) and resolve differences and their merger is of historic significance as they existed as different organizations for over 30 years despite so much similarity. They made self-criticism which is praiseworthy in the Marxist Leninist Sense. This is a remarkable thing as Earlier the erstwhile C.P.I.M.L (Peoples War) and Erstwhile C.P.I. (M.L) Party Unity (Before and after they united in 1998) insisted that the 1969 Charu Mazumdar C P.I.M.L. was the re-organised party and not just a revolutionary organization. Now both the Charu Mazumdar C.P.I. (M.L) and the Maoist Communist Centre are recognized as the 2 original revolutionary parties. In Dandkaranya, Bihar and Andhra Pradesh the C.P.I.Maoist carried out historic armed retaliatory actions to defend their movements comparable with those of the Chinese Red Army or even to the Nepalese Red Army in recent years. After the assassination of 3 major Central Committee Members in 1999 their armed squads stood up heroically.Every year they carry out huge rallies in their struggle areas commemorating the Naxalbari movement and upholding martyrs inspite of intensified repression. They are the first revolutionary Organisation in India since Naxalbari to have formed a Peoples Guerilla Army. Their mass organizations cadres have made heroic sacrifices in fronts like the Bharat Naujavan Sabha and the Mazdoor Kisan Sang ram Parishad in Bihar and the Radical Students Union and the Rytu Coolie Sang ham in Andhra Pradesh .The efforts of the organisation to give solidarity to the revolutionary struggles in Peru, Nepal and Phillipines is noteworthy. They have also made great efforts to defend Marxism –Leninism Mao Tse Tung Thought and done creditable propaganda upholding Mao Tse Tung Thought through seminars, rallies and conferences. Recently they organised 2 seminars in West Bengal. On the All India Front the historic achievement was the founding of the All India Peoples Resistance Forum in 1992(Now the Revolutionary Democratic Front) by the Peoples War Group, Maoist Communist Centre and Party Unity Group. It United the Revolutionary Forces country wide Fro Punjab to Karnataka. In 1992 a spectacular rally was staged involving 10 lakh people who came mainly from the states of Andhra Pradesh and Bihar. Thousands participated from West Bengal and Maharashtra.In 1994 officially the Forum was formed in Calcutta. This played a major role in uniting the revolutionary peasant movements of Bihar, Andhra Pradesh and Dandkarnaya. In 1996 the A.I.P.R.F held their first All India Conference. They passed anti Imperialist Resolutions, opposed repression on Democratic Rights, and upheld Nationality Struggles.In August 1997 the Organisation held a seminar on the true Face of 50 years of Indian Independence in Mumbai in Matunga.It was of historic significance that after 50 years the rulers followed the same colonial policies of the British Rulers. The conference was a major achievement .I t dealt with all aspects from Democratic Rights to anti Imperialist, to revolutionary Peasant Struggles, Working Class Struggles and Nationality Struggles. Speakers from all Democratic Walks of life participated .Of great significance were the talks of the revolutionary peasant Struggles. Wrong trends were exhibited like participation of Non Governmental Organisations, wrongly upholding nationality movements, but such an all India gathering with a revolutionary perspective was historic, in front of my eyes. It was a tribute to the Peoples war and Party Unity Groups. One complementary aspect of the A.I.P.R.F was that it took several people into it’s struggle who were not direct participants in the revolutionary movements of Dandkaranya, Andhra Pradesh and Bihar but were participants in democratic struggles against imperialism.Eg The opposing of the Narmada Project in Gujarat, Farmers protest against Globalisation in Karnataka and Punjab Etc.The formation of the Forum is major step in All India Perspective to the revolutionary Movement. Two years ago The All India Peoples Resistance forum merged with the Struggle for Resistance Forum to merge into the Revolutionary Democratic Front. Further mass protests have been led against repression,globalisation If they could extricate themselves from their wrong trends it may not be a long time before the India New Democratic Revolution would emerge. It is of historic significance that the movement led by the constituent organizations of the C.P.I.Maoist could survive and lead a mass movement for such a considerable period from the onslaught of the State.The manner in which they have combated the stae repression in different junctures through organizing people’s court or famine raids was remarkableas well as their protests in term of armed actions or mass protests. .The C.P.I. (Maoist) is a legacy of that and continues to keep the Red Spark alight.Their experience will be written in the annals of International Communist History.

    Appraisal of the C.P.I. (Maoist)

    The first major Unity to praise was the Unity of the C.P.I.M.L Party Unity and the C.P.I.M.L Peoples War in 1998, which had historic value .It as a most principled Unity where after almost 2 decades of consistent exchange between the 2 organizations merged. It is most principled with regards to Internal and International line and has succeed in promoting the Interests of the Ultimate Unified party It greatly helped the Party Unity Group in Bihar who needed the unity to support the development of the base areas.Avenues for a strong All India Perspective have been launched. Significantly it united the movements of the Northern part of India (Bihar and Bengal) with the Southern part (Andhra Pradesh and Dandkaranya) and was thus historic. This trend was a great combat to regionalism in the revolutionary Movement, particularly as Northern India and Southern India have such diverse culture. After the group clashes in Bihar between the Peoples War Group and the Maoist Communist Centre it is a great achievement that they could merge into the C.P.I.(Maoist) and resolve differences and their merger is of historic significance as they existed as different organizations for over 30 years despite so much similarity. They made self-criticism which is praiseworthy in the Marxist Leninist Sense. This is a remarkable thing as Earlier the erstwhile C.P.I.M.L (Peoples War) and Erstwhile C.P.I. (M.L) Party Unity (Before and after they united in 1998) insisted that the 1969 Charu Mazumdar C P.I.M.L. was the re-organised party and not just a revolutionary organization. Now both the Charu Mazumdar C.P.I. (M.L) and the Maoist Communist Centre are recognized as the 2 original revolutionary parties. In Dandkaranya, Bihar and Andhra Pradesh the C.P.I.Maoist carried out historic armed retaliatory actions to defend their movements comparable with those of the Chinese Red Army or even to the Nepalese Red Army in recent years. After the assassination of 3 major Central Committee Members in 1999 their armed squads stood up heroically.Every year they carry out huge rallies in their struggle areas commemorating the Naxalbari movement and upholding martyrs inspite of intensified repression. They are the first revolutionary Organisation in India since Naxalbari to have formed a Peoples Guerilla Army. Their mass organizations cadres have made heroic sacrifices in fronts like the Bharat Naujavan Sabha and the Mazdoor Kisan Sang ram Parishad in Bihar and the Radical Students Union and the Rytu Coolie Sang ham in Andhra Pradesh .The efforts of the organisation to give solidarity to the revolutionary struggles in Peru, Nepal and Phillipines is noteworthy. They have also made great efforts to defend Marxism –Leninism Mao Tse Tung Thought and done creditable propaganda upholding Mao Tse Tung Thought through seminars, rallies and conferences. Recently they organised 2 seminars in West Bengal. On the All India Front the historic achievement was the founding of the All India Peoples Resistance Forum in 1992(Now the Revolutionary Democratic Front) by the Peoples War Group, Maoist Communist Centre and Party Unity Group. It United the Revolutionary Forces country wide Fro Punjab to Karnataka. In 1992 a spectacular rally was staged involving 10 lakh people who came mainly from the states of Andhra Pradesh and Bihar. Thousands participated from West Bengal and Maharashtra.In 1994 officially the Forum was formed in Calcutta. This played a major role in uniting the revolutionary peasant movements of Bihar, Andhra Pradesh and Dandkarnaya. In 1996 the A.I.P.R.F held their first All India Conference. They passed anti Imperialist Resolutions, opposed repression on Democratic Rights, and upheld Nationality Struggles.In August 1997 the Organisation held a seminar on the true Face of 50 years of Indian Independence in Mumbai in Matunga.It was of historic significance that after 50 years the rulers followed the same colonial policies of the British Rulers. The conference was a major achievement .I t dealt with all aspects from Democratic Rights to anti Imperialist, to revolutionary Peasant Struggles, Working Class Struggles and Nationality Struggles. Speakers from all Democratic Walks of life participated .Of great significance were the talks of the revolutionary peasant Struggles. Wrong trends were exhibited like participation of Non Governmental Organisations, wrongly upholding nationality movements, but such an all India gathering with a revolutionary perspective was historic, in front of my eyes. It was a tribute to the Peoples war and Party Unity Groups. One complementary aspect of the A.I.P.R.F was that it took several people into it’s struggle who were not direct participants in the revolutionary movements of Dandkaranya, Andhra Pradesh and Bihar but were participants in democratic struggles against imperialism.Eg The opposing of the Narmada Project in Gujarat, Farmers protest against Globalisation in Karnataka and Punjab Etc.The formation of the Forum is major step in All India Perspective to the revolutionary Movement. Two years ago The All India Peoples Resistance forum merged with the Struggle for Resistance Forum to merge into the Revolutionary Democratic Front. Further mass protests have been led against repression,globalisation If they could extricate themselves from their wrong trends it may not be a long time before the India New Democratic Revolution would emerge. It is of historic significance that the movement led by the constituent organizations of the C.P.I.Maoist could survive and lead a mass movement for such a considerable period from the onslaught of the State.The manner in which they have combated the stae repression in different junctures through organizing people’s court or famine raids was remarkableas well as their protests in term of armed actions or mass protests. .The C.P.I. (Maoist) is a legacy of that and continues to keep the Red Spark alight.Their experience will be written in the annals of International Communist History.

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